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NEW YORK (AP) — Donald Trump’s hush money trial is entering its final stretch as the prosecution’s star witness Michael Cohen returns to the stand on Monday. Cohen took the stand last week to lay out his version of the events that are at the heart of the case.

Cohen placed Trump directly at the center of the alleged scheme to stifle negative stories to fend off damage to his White House bid. Among other things, Cohen told jurors that Trump promised to reimburse him for the money he fronted and was constantly updated about efforts to silence women who alleged sexual encounters with him. Trump denies the women’s claims.

Defense attorneys began cross-examination of Cohen with questioning designed to portray the one-time Trump loyalist as a media-obsessed opportunist who turned on the former president after he was denied a White House job.

Prosecutors have said they will rest their case once Cohen’s testimony concludes, though they could call rebuttal witnesses if Trump’s lawyers call their own witnesses to the stand. The defense isn’t obligated to call any witnesses, and it’s unclear whether the attorneys will do so. It also remains unclear whether Trump will testify.

The trial is in its 19th day.

Trump has pleaded not guilty to 34 felony counts of falsifying business records.

The case is the first-ever criminal trial of a former U.S. president and the first of four prosecutions of Trump to reach a jury.

Currently:

— What we’ve learned so far in the Trump hush money trial and what to watch for as it wraps up

— Trump receives NRA endorsement as he vows to protect gun rights

— Trump hush money case: A timeline of key events

— Key players: Who’s who at Trump’s hush money criminal trial

— Hush money, catch and kill and more: A guide to unique terms used at Trump’s trial

Here’s the latest:

A QUESTION OF FURTHER WITNESSES

As witness testimony in Donald Trump’s hush money trial resumes on Monday, it remains unclear whether the defense will call its own witnesses.

Legal arguments were ongoing last Thursday about the parameters of potential testimony from a campaign finance law expert that Trump’s lawyers want to call to the stand.

The witness in question is Bradley A. Smith, a former Bill Clinton-appointed Republican Federal Election Commission member. Defense lawyers want to call him to refute the prosecution’s contention that the hush money payments at issue in the trial amounted to campaign finance violations.

Prosecutors have said they have their own campaign finance expert teed up if the defense ends up calling their expert to the stand.

Judge Juan M. Merchan said he would take some time over the weekend to “digest both sets of submission further,” but suggested that Smith’s testimony would be limited to very general background.

Defense lawyers have not said yet whether Trump will testify in his own defense.

COURT SET TO RESUME, BUT ANOTHER LONG WEEKEND IS IN SIGHT

Donald Trump’s hush money trial resumes on Monday following a recess on Friday to allow the former president to attend the high school graduation of his youngest son, Barron.

The long weekend is not the only scheduling break in the trial.

The trial will also not be held for four days over the Memorial Day holiday weekend.

Judge Juan Merchan had previously told jurors that because of scheduling, it might be necessary to hold court on Wednesday — typically a day off for the trial — so Merchan can attend to other matters. Merchan backed off that guidance after some jurors indicated they couldn’t attend that day.

The Associated Press



She told the story of a new generation of women seeking to find their place, and their voice, within a rapidly changing society


The Jews of Israel are but one indigenous minority that has resisted Islamic oppression for centuries


Last year’s record-breaking wildfire season forced Canadians to become familiar with the scale of air pollution as hazardous smoke drifted across the country.

Environment Canada’s colour-coded Air Quality Health Index, designed to help people understand health risks associated with contaminated air, was closely watched under hazy, orange skies that stretched beyond the Canada-U.S. border.

But the AQHI, measured on a scale from one to 10+, was not calculated the same way in all provinces and some people were unsure how index values applied to their daily activities.

Environment Canada hopes several changes being made this year will improve how air quality-related health risks are communicated and understood by the public.

One of those changes is to the department’s go-to website for weather conditions and warnings across the country: weather.gc.ca. Users can now toggle between different layers of active alerts and display only those related to air quality if that’s their main concern. Detailed air quality warnings are also listed under a separate tab.

When the AQHI exceeds 10 due to wildfire smoke — indicating a “very high” health risk — affected areas appear red on the map.

A new type of air quality advisory will also be issued to warn of potentially worsening health effects and urge people to seriously consider cancelling outdoor events, said Celine Audette, manager of health and air quality forecast services at Environment and Climate Change Canada.

This change was prompted by a “record number” of AQHI 10+ scores during last year’s wildfire season, she said in a phone interview. 

That level “exceeds any kind of air quality objective across the world,” Audette said. “It was the worst air quality in Canada, worse than India.”

She said the aim of the stronger advisory language on especially smoky days is to better inform people and help prevent health issues.

That’s also the goal of another, more complex, change that occurred last week. 

Audette said Ontario and Alberta have now joined most other provinces in using the federal government’s enhanced version of the AQHI, which measures the levels of fine particulate matter known as PM 2.5 in the air on an hourly basis.

PM 2.5 comes from a wide range of sources, including power plants and vehicles, and it’s a particularly harmful component of wildfire smoke that can travel deep into a person’s lungs and cause or exacerbate health complications.

For years, the “classic” version of the AQHI measured a three-hour rolling average of common air pollutants: ground-level ozone, nitrogen dioxide and PM 2.5. 

But British Columbia changed this after realizing the index did not reflect PM 2.5 spikes caused by wildfires and would display low scores even as plumes of smoked rolled in.

Environment Canada has adopted the B.C. model and now runs two parallel calculations: the rolling average of the three air pollutants and the hourly PM 2.5 levels. The AQHI score the public sees is based onwhichever measure is higher.

“I think people will see a big difference,” Audette said of the switch.

“In the period of wildfire smoke, if the plume is increasing in your area, you’ll see a difference (in AQHI levels) every hour.”

She said that means a summer program or daycare provider, for example, can quickly adjust kids’ outdoor schedules, and people with asthma can more accurately assess their risks throughout the day if they plan to be outside.

People who want to closely monitor the AQHI in their area can also download the WeatherCAN app and set up custom notifications, she added.

Quebec will continue to rely on its own Info-Smog air quality forecast and warning program, which works well for the province, Audette said.

She said the general health advice during wildfire season remains the same. Everyone should pay attention to air quality advisories in their region and take precautions when AQHI values start to climb. 

A rating of 1-3 is low risk, 4-6 is moderate risk, 7-10 is high risk and over 10 is very high risk.

But at-risk groups – including people with respiratory or heart conditions, those who are pregnant, children and the elderly – may feel the effects of smoke and air pollution at moderate levels. When that happens, they should stay indoors as much as possible until the smoke dissipates and wear a well-fitted N95 face mask if they must venture outside, Audette said.

“About 60 per cent of the population is considered at-risk,” she said but noted that air quality advisories are meant to inform, not “scare people.”

“We don’t want people to be stressed. They need to also take care of their mental health.”

One expert at the B.C. Centre for Disease Control said it’s important to put Canada’s air pollution spikes into perspective because the stress and anxiety induced by smoky skies can be more harmful to human health than the smoke itself. 

“For the most part, we have excellent air quality in Canada,” Sarah Henderson, the scientific director of environmental health services, said in a phone interview.

“There are folks in the world who live in conditions like we experienced last year, day in and day out throughout their lives because they live in highly polluted cities. And, you know, they still can live long, happy, healthy lives.”

Henderson said air pollution is one of “many, many risk factors” that affect our health and while it’s important to reduce our exposure to wildfire smoke, we shouldn’t panic and eliminate “all of the other good things in our lives because it’s smoky outside.”

“I never want anyone to panic about wildfire smoke. I want them to take it seriously,” she said. “I want them to look at ways that they can reduce exposure in their lives.” 

Henderson said staying inside all summer is not the answer for most people. Healthy adults can take simple measures such as masking up on smoky days, she said. If air quality is not ideal, children can still participate in non-strenuous outdoor activities as long as they’re being monitored, she added. 

Since wildfire smoke can easily penetrate indoor spaces, people who have chronic respiratory conditions or are pregnant should have a plan that keeps the air in their homes clean, Henderson said. Portable air cleaners and high-efficiency filters can help.

“I want to get to the point where smoke doesn’t cause people such distress as it does now,” she said. 

This report by The Canadian Press was first published May 20, 2024.

Sonja Puzic, The Canadian Press


WILLIAMSTON, N.C. (AP) — Weeds have punctured through the vacant parking lot of Martin General Hospital’s emergency room. A makeshift blue tarp covering the hospital’s sign is worn down from flapping in the wind. The hospital doors are locked, many in this county of 22,000 fear permanently.

Some residents worry the hospital’s sudden closure last August could cost them their life.

“I know we all have to die, but it seems like since the hospital closed, there’s a lot more people dying,” Linda Gibson, a lifelong resident of Williamston, North Carolina, said on a recent afternoon while preparing snacks for children in a nearby elementary school kitchen.

More than 100 hospitals have downsized services or closed altogether over the past decade in rural communities like Williamston, where people openly wonder if they’d survive the 25-minute ambulance ride to the nearest hospital if they were in a serious car crash.

When Quorum Health shut down Martin County’s 43-bed hospital, citing “financial challenges related to declining population and utilization trends,” residents here didn’t just lose a sense of security. They lost trust, too, in the leaders they elected to make their town a better place to live.

People like 73-year-old Bobby Woolard say they don’t believe any politicians – from the local county commissioners to the presidential candidates who will pass through this swing state with big campaign promises in the coming months – care enough to help them fix the problem.

“If you’re critically ill, there’s no help for you here,” Woolard said on a sunny April afternoon while trimming his neighbor’s hedges. “Nobody seems to care. You got a building sitting there empty and nobody seems to care.”

TROUBLE FOR BIDEN’S HEALTH CARE CAMPAIGN?

The sentiment in this sharply polarized and segregated eastern North Carolina county could hint at trouble for President Joe Biden, who has made health care a key part of his reelection campaign against Republican rival Donald Trump.

His TV campaign ads hone in on Trump’s promises to diminish the Affordable Care Act. On social media, Biden regularly reminds followers of the law he signed that caps the cost of insulin. And in North Carolina, the campaign is narrowly focused on promoting Democrats’ successful efforts to expand Medicaid, which will extend nearly-free government health insurance to thousands of people and reduce the indigent population for hospitals.

Biden and Trump are fiercely competing for the state, which also features the most prominent governor’s race of the year. Martin County, where Williamston is located, voted for Trump in 2020.

“Health care is on the ballot this year, and voters will remember that when they reject Donald Trump in November,” said Dory MacMillan, the Biden campaign’s North Carolina communications director.

But Biden’s achievements might not be enough for crucial voters living in towns like this one in North Carolina, where people have a hard time just getting emergency care when they need it.

Nationally, emergency room wait times have ballooned, with the average emergency room visit taking nearly three hours last year, according to the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services. Health care systems are also grappling with a health care worker shortage that worsened after burned-out employees emerged from the pandemic.

Those problems are particularly pronounced in rural communities, where more than 68 hospitals have closed in the last decade. The closures slowed down during the COVID-19 pandemic, when the federal government doled out billions of dollars in extra funds to hospitals. But with that money spent, hospital closures might tick up again, said George Pink, the deputy director of the University of North Carolina’s Sheps Center’s Rural Health Research Program.

Often, it’s emergency room care that residents miss the most, Pink said.

“If you’re having a heart attack, if you’re having a stroke, if you’re giving birth, all those are the kinds of life events where you need access to emergency care quickly and properly,” Pink said. “Those communities that have lost their rural hospitals, they don’t have that.”

A SYSTEM ‘AT RISK’

Months before Williamston’s hospital closed, an outside consultant sent a dire warning about emergency care in the county.

The county’s volunteer first responder system was ineffective and long response times that stretched past 15 minutes in some areas were putting “lives at risk,” the consultant told the county’s commissioners last April.

The system was “in desperate need for vision, direction, guidance, command and control, and additional financial support,” the consultant advised the county, according to meeting minutes.

Since Martin General Hospital shut down, things have only gotten worse.

Longer drives to hospitals outside of the county mean ambulances and their crews are tied up for hours sometimes on a run, said Capt. Kenny Warren of the Williamston Fire and Rescue.

“A call that used to take us 20 to 30 minutes is now taking an hour to two hours, depending on where we’ve got to transport to,” Warren said. He added that the agency is staffed with emergency medical technicians, but not paramedics who are trained to provide more advanced care to patients in emergencies.

Warren, however, said he doesn’t think anyone has died as a result.

“Most of the outcomes probably would have been the same anyway,” he said.

In December, first responders arrived on a Williamston street within three minutes of receiving 911 calls that several shots had been fired and a young man might be dead.

They tried unsuccessfully to get a medical helicopter to transport the 21-year-old gunshot victim. The closest option was a six-bed hospital, a 21-minute ambulance ride away. All told, it would take 34 minutes from the time of the 911 call to get him there, according to police dispatch logs. He was transferred from that hospital to a higher-level trauma center where he died a few days later.

The scene of the shooting was just four minutes away from Martin General Hospital’s site.

‘DO YOU REALLY CARE?’

More than a dozen Williamston residents interviewed for this story blamed the Martin County Board of Commissioners for failing to prevent the troubled hospital from closing.

Last month, Williamston resident Verna Perry told commissioners that her sister made a 25-minute drive to the closest hospital only to find out she would not be able to get the treatment she needed there.

“Do you really care, commissioners?” Perry asked. “If you cared, you would do something to get us a hospital here.”

Kaitlyn Paxton was seeking treatment for her asthma at Martin General Hospital’s emergency room the day it shut down. She watched staff wheel out patients on stretchers to transfer them to other hospitals.

Since then, she’s had a hard time finding primary care doctors and specialists to replace the ones who left once the hospital closed.

“As far as everyday doctors and appointments, from my personal experience it has been a nightmare trying to find someone,” she said.

She’s used the federally qualified health center, called Agape Health, which is one of a few facilities in the county still offering primary care. More than a thousand of these health centers operate across the U.S. They receive federal government funds and take patients on a sliding pay scale, regardless of their insurance status or ability to pay.

Agape Health added Saturday hours because of an influx of new patients after Martin General closed, said clinic CEO Dr. Michael McDuffie. Last month, Agape reopened one of the orthopedic clinics that shut down along with the hospital.

McDuffie wants to reopen Martin General next, even if just as a stand-alone emergency room.

“It could mean life or death,” McDuffie said. “They need an emergency department here so that it could at least stabilize them.”

The county, which still owns the hospital and land, is consulting with state officials and federal Health and Human Services agency representatives to determine whether the facility can reopen as a Rural Emergency Hospital, said interim County Manager Ben Eisner. Gov. Roy Cooper helped to usher in a new state law that allows North Carolina’s rural hospitals to make the transition.

The Rural Emergency Hospital program was developed by Congress, signed into law by Trump and finetuned by the Biden administration. The designation allows rural hospitals to unlock millions of federal dollars and beef up Medicare payments if they stay open to provide 24/7 emergency care.

“The simple question we’re trying to answer is how do we go from closed to open in a way that makes sense for the citizens of Martin County,” Eisner said.

If successful, Martin County would be the first hospital in the country to reopen its doors after closing with the new federal designation.

“It’s a top priority for us, we live it every day as a community,” Paxton said of getting the hospital reopened. It’ll be top of mind for her when she votes in the presidential election this fall.

Even still, she said: “I do not think it is a top priority for any of them at all – president, senators – any of them.”

Amanda Seitz And Allen G. Breed, The Associated Press













COLUMBIA, S.C. (AP) — Nikki Haley is perhaps the highest-profile Republican in the nation who has refused to fall in line and endorse Donald Trump’s presidential bid.

It’s unclear how long that might last.

Some allies believe she may be forced to endorse him before the November election to avoid permanently alienating the Republican Party base. Some even suspect that Haley will re-emerge on Trump’s short list of vice presidential contenders in the coming months, despite Trump’s recent statement to the contrary.

But if Haley submits to Trump, as so many of his GOP critics have done, she also risks destroying her own coalition of independents, moderates and anti-Trump Republicans, who are still showing up to support her in low-profile primary contests from deep-red Indiana to deep-blue Maryland.

Her decision in the coming months will be closely watched not just by her supporters, but by allies of Trump and President Joe Biden. What she decides to do — and whether her coalition follows — could have a profound impact on this year’s general election and her future as a top-tier Republican whose brand appeals to many people outside her party.

“Nikki Haley could be the person that unites us,” said Thalia Floras, a 62-year-old retail manager from Nashua, New Hampshire, who was a lifelong Democrat before casting a ballot for Haley in her state’s January primary.

But Floras also has a warning: “Nikki Haley has a good place with me now. But if she goes with Trump, I’m done.”

Those close to Haley, a 52-year-old former governor and U.N. ambassador, say it’s unclear what she’ll do.

HALEY VOTERS UP FOR GRABS, BUT ONLY BIDEN TRYING

Haley and Trump haven’t spoken in months. That includes the period after she bowed out of the GOP primary campaign in early March, according to a person with direct knowledge of Haley’s private conversations who was not authorized to speak about them publicly.

And while some Republicans who supported Haley will certainly drift back to Trump organically, the Biden campaign is working to win over her supporters, whom they view as true swing voters.

Biden’s team is quietly organizing a Republicans for Biden group, which will eventually include dedicated staff and focus on the hundreds of thousands of Haley voters in each battleground state, according to people familiar with the plans but not authorized to discuss them publicly.

The Democratic president hasn’t kept his intentions a secret.

Biden issued a statement thanking Haley for her courage to challenge Trump just minutes after she bowed out of the primary race in March.

“Donald Trump made it clear he doesn’t want Nikki Haley’s supporters. I want to be clear: There is a place for them in my campaign,” Biden said at the time.

Trump, meanwhile, said in late January that Haley donors would be permanently banned from his “Make America Great Again” camp. While he has refrained from attacking her since she left the race, Trump hasn’t offered public statements of goodwill either as he has for other vanquished rivals like Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis.

As part of Biden’s sustained outreach to Haley’s coalition, his campaign released a digital ad late last month highlighting Trump’s often-personal attacks against Haley, including his primary nickname of her as “birdbrain” and suggestion that “she’s not presidential timber.”

Asked about Trump’s lack of outreach to Haley and her supporters, senior adviser Jason Miller avoided any mention of her and instead cast doubt on the strength of Biden’s coalition of Black Americans, Latinos and young voters.

“The reality is the Republican Party is united behind President Trump while the Democrat Party has shattered to pieces because of Joe Biden’s disastrous policies on issues like inflation and the border,” Miller said.

Few expect Haley to endorse the Democratic president outright. Such a decision would make it difficult, if not impossible, for her to win a future GOP presidential primary if she decides to run again.

Instead, Biden’s allies are hopeful that Haley, among other high-profile Republican Trump critics, may either stay silent or offer an endorsement focusing on the stakes of the election for democracy rather than direct praise for Biden.

If and when Biden’s team does secure high-profile Republican supporters, it’s likely to wait several more weeks to unveil them to help maximize their impact when voters are paying closing attention to the November election.

A PRO-BIDEN REPUBLICAN SPEAKS

Former Georgia Lt. Gov. Geoff Duncan, a Republican who had backed Haley in the GOP primary, formally endorsed Biden earlier in the month. In an interview, he said he made the decision before talking to Biden’s campaign, although Biden personally called to thank him after Duncan announced his decision.

Duncan didn’t rule out playing a prominent role in the Republicans for Biden group or even speaking at the Democratic National Convention this summer, just as former Ohio Gov. John Kasich did four years ago.

Duncan hopes Haley doesn’t ultimately endorse Trump as so many of Trump’s high-profile Republican critics have done.

“I feel like that would be a short-term sugar high to just gain favor inside the Republican Party,” Duncan said of a potential Haley endorsement of Trump. “She has the right to do what she wants to do. Obviously everybody’s playing the political calculus. But at some point, where do we draw the line?”

The list of high-profile Republicans willing to stand up to Trump in 2024 is extraordinarily small.

Even those who described Trump as a dangerous threat to democracy, like New Hampshire Gov. Chris Sununu, have ultimately endorsed him. Sununu, who was among Haley’s top national surrogates during the campaign, declined repeated requests to comment on her political future. And DeSantis, once Trump’s chief primary rival and another early 2028 prospect, now plans to raise money for Trump’s general election campaign.

HALEY STEPS BACK INTO PUBLIC SPOTLIGHT

Haley has only just begun to emerge from a period of post-campaign seclusion, where she took time to reconnect with family, especially her husband, a military serviceman who recently returned from a nearly yearlong tour overseas.

She plans to deliver a speech on foreign policy later this week — her first public address since ending her 2024 campaign — at the Hudson Institute, a Washington-based conservative think tank where she’s agreed to serve as the Walter P. Stern Chair.

And last week, Haley huddled with dozens of donors and allies behind closed doors in South Carolina, where she thanked her coalition, while largely ignoring Trump. She did not encourage attendees to support his campaign.

Simone Levinson, a Haley bundler who attended the private gathering, said there remains an appetite among Republicans for a next-generation figure who can communicate well and build consensus.

“There is a very strong indication that she has struck a chord that is still continuing to resonate with millions of Americans,” said Levinson, who is based in Florida.

HER COALITION SENDS A MESSAGE

Indeed, without any formal organization, advertising or even private encouragement, the Haley voters continue to show up in low-profile presidential primaries, which will run through the end of June even though Trump is the only candidate still in the running.

Haley earned more than 21% of the vote in Maryland’s presidential primary last week. That’s after hitting similar marks the week before in Indiana and Arizona just weeks after leaving the race.

“She’s articulate and intelligent, which are things that Trump isn’t,” said retired school psychologist Kathy Showen, an independent voter from Cross Lanes, West Virginia, who cast a primary ballot for Haley last week.

Meanwhile, in New Hampshire, Floras said she’ll begrudgingly vote for Biden this fall because she can’t stomach Trump. But she’s hopeful that Haley will run again in 2028.

Her feelings might change, however, if Haley gives in and endorses Trump before the fall election.

“It would really disappoint me if she doesn’t stand up to him,” Floras said. “That would do her in.”

___

Peoples reported from New York. Beaumont reported from Des Moines, Iowa. Associated Press writer John Raby in Charleston, West Virginia, contributed to this report.

Steve Peoples, Meg Kinnard And Thomas Beaumont, The Associated Press





WASHINGTON (AP) — It was a time of fear and chaos four years ago.

The death count was mounting as COVID-19 spread. Financial markets were panicked. Oil prices briefly went negative. The Federal Reserve slashed its benchmark interest rates to combat the sudden recession. And the U.S. government went on a historic borrowing spree — adding trillions to the national debt — to keep families and businesses afloat.

But as Donald Trump recalled that moment at a recent rally, the former president exuded pride.

“We had the greatest economy in history,” the Republican told his Wisconsin audience. “The 30-year mortgage rate was at a record low, the lowest ever recorded … 2.65%, that’s what your mortgage rates were.”

The question of who can best steer the U.S. economy could be a deciding factor in who wins November’s presidential election. While an April Gallup poll found that Americans were most likely to say that immigration is the country’s top problem, the economy in general and inflation were also high on the list.

Trump may have an edge over President Joe Biden on key economic concerns, according to an April poll by The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs. The survey found that Americans were more likely to say that as president, Trump helped the country with job creation and cost of living. Nearly 6 in 10 Americans said that Biden’s presidency hurt the country on the cost of living.

But the economic numbers expose a far more complicated reality during Trump’s time in the White House. His tax cuts never delivered the promised growth. His budget deficits surged and then stayed relatively high under Biden. His tariffs and trade deals never brought back all of the lost factory jobs.

And there was the pandemic, an event that caused historic job losses for which Trump accepts no responsibility as well as low inflation — for which Trump takes full credit.

If anything, the economy during Trump’s presidency never lived up to his own hype.

DECENT (NOT EXCEPTIONAL) GROWTH

Trump assured the public in 2017 that the U.S. economy with his tax cuts would grow at “3%,” but he added, “I think it could go to 4, 5, and maybe even 6%, ultimately.”

If the 2020 pandemic is excluded, growth after inflation averaged 2.67% under Trump, according to figures from the Bureau of Economic Analysis. Include the pandemic-induced recession and that average drops to an anemic 1.45%.

By contrast, growth during the second term of then-President Barack Obama averaged 2.33%. So far under Biden, annual growth is averaging 3.4%.

MORE GOVERNMENT DEBT

Trump also assured the public that his tax cuts would pay for themselves because of stronger growth. The cuts were broad but disproportionately favored corporations and those with extreme wealth.

The tax cuts signed into law in 2017 never fulfilled Trump’s promises on deficit reduction.

According to the Office of Management and Budget, the deficit worsened to $779 billion in 2018. The Congressional Budget Office had forecasted a deficit of $563 billion before the tax cuts, meaning the tax cuts increased borrowing by $216 billion that first year. In 2019, the deficit rose to $984 billion, nearly $300 billion more than what the CBO had forecast.

Then the pandemic happened and with a flurry of government aid, the resulting deficit topped $3.1 trillion. That borrowing enabled the government to make direct payments to individuals and small businesses as the economy was in lockdown, often increasing bank accounts and making many feel better off even though the economy was in a recession.

Deficits have also run high under Biden, as he signed into law a third round of pandemic aid and other initiatives to address climate change, build infrastructure and invest in U.S. manufacturing. His budget deficits: $2.8 trillion (2021), $1.38 trillion (2022) and $1.7 trillion (2023).

The CBO estimated in a report issued Wednesday that the extension of parts of Trump’s tax cuts set to expire after 2025 would add another $4.6 trillion to the national debt through the year 2034.

LOW INFLATION (BUT NOT ALWAYS FOR GOOD REASONS)

Inflation was much lower under Trump, never topping an annual rate of 2.4%, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics. The annual rate reached as high as 8% in 2022 under Biden and is currently at 3.4%.

There were three big reasons why inflation was low during Trump’s presidency: the legacy of the 2008 financial crisis, Federal Reserve actions and the coronavirus pandemic.

Trump entered the White House with inflation already low, largely because of the slow recovery from the Great Recession, when financial markets collapsed and millions of people lost their homes to foreclosure.

The inflation rate barely averaged more than 1% during Obama’s second term as the Fed struggled to push up growth. Still, the economy was expanding without overheating.

But in the first three years of Trump’s presidency, inflation averaged 2.1%, roughly close to the Fed’s target. Still, the Fed began to hike its own benchmark rate to keep inflation low at the central bank’s own 2% target. Trump repeatedly criticized the Fed because he wanted to juice growth despite the risks of higher prices.

Then the pandemic hit.

Inflation sank and the Fed slashed rates to sustain the economy during lockdowns.

When Trump celebrates historically low mortgage rates, he’s doing so because the economy was weakened by the pandemic. Similarly, gasoline prices fell below an average of $2 a gallon because no one was driving in April 2020 as the pandemic spread.

FEWER JOBS

The United States lost 2.7 million jobs during Trump’s presidency, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics. If the pandemic months are excluded, he added 6.7 million jobs.

By contrast, 15.4 million jobs were added during Biden’s presidency. That’s 5.1 million more jobs than what the CBO forecasted he would add before his coronavirus relief and other policies became law — a sign of how much he boosted the labor market.

Both candidates have repeatedly promised to bring back factory jobs. Between 2017 and the middle of 2019, Trump added 461,000 manufacturing jobs. But the gains began to stall and then turned into layoffs during the pandemic, with the Republican posting a loss of 178,000 jobs.

So far, the U.S. economy has added 773,000 manufacturing jobs during Biden’s presidency.

Josh Boak, The Associated Press


NEW YORK (AP) — Donald Trump’s hush money trial is heading into the final stretch, with prosecutors’ last and star witness back on the stand Monday for more grilling before the former president’s lawyers get their chance to put on a case.

The landmark trial will kick back off in Manhattan with more defense cross-examination of former Trump attorney Michael Cohen, whose pivotal testimony last week directly tied Trump to the alleged hush money scheme. He’s the last prosecution witness and it’s not yet clear whether Trump’s attorneys will call any witnesses, let alone the presumptive Republican presidential nominee himself.

Defense lawyers already have questioned Cohen for hours about his criminal history and past lies to paint him as a serial fabulist who is on a revenge campaign aimed at taking down Trump.

After more than four weeks of testimony about sex, money, tabloid machinations and the details of Trump’s company recordkeeping, jurors could begin deliberating as soon as this week to decide whether Trump is guilty of 34 felony counts of falsifying business records in the first criminal trial of a former U.S. president.

The charges stem from internal Trump Organization records where payments to Cohen were marked as legal expenses, when prosecutors say they were really reimbursements for a $130,000 hush money payment to porn actor Stormy Daniels.

Trump has pleaded not guilty. His lawyers say there was nothing criminal about the Daniels deal or the way Cohen was paid.

Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg’s office is expected to rest its case once Cohen is off the stand, but prosecutors would have have an opportunity to call rebuttal witnesses if Trump’s lawyers put on witnesses of their own.

The judge has told lawyers to be prepared for closing arguments as early as Tuesday, though the timing will depend on whether the defense calls any witnesses, which it is not obligated to do. Defense lawyers said they have not decided whether Trump will testify.

Defense attorneys generally are reluctant to put their clients on the witness stand and open them up to intense questioning by prosecutors, as it often does more harm than good.

Cohen is prosecutors’ most important witness, but he is also vulnerable to attack.

The now-disbarred attorney has admitted on the witness stand to previously lying under oath and other falsehoods, many of which he claims were meant to protect Trump. Cohen served prison time after pleading guilty to various federal charges, including lying to Congress and a bank and engaging in campaign finance violations related to the hush money scheme.

And he has made millions of dollars off critical books about the former president, whom he regularly slams on social media in often profane terms.

Cohen told jurors that Trump was intimately involved in the scheme to pay off Daniels to prevent her from going public late in his 2016 presidential campaign with claims of a 2006 sexual encounter with Trump. Trump says nothing sexual happened between them.

Cohen told jurors about meetings and conversations with Trump, including one in 2017 in which Cohen says he, Trump and then-Trump Organization finance chief Allen Weisselberg discussed how Cohen would recoup his outlay for the Daniels payment and how the reimbursement would be billed as “legal services.”

Known for his hot temper, Cohen has remained mostly calm on the witness stand despite sometimes heated interrogation by the defense about his own misdeeds and the allegations in the case.

A key moment came Thursday, when defense attorney Todd Blanche accused Cohen of lying about the purpose of a phone call to Trump’s bodyguard days before Cohen wired Daniels’ lawyer $130,000.

Cohen told jurors he talked to Trump on that call about the hush money payment. Blanche confronted Cohen with text messages to argue that Cohen had actually been talking to Trump’s bodyguard about harassing calls from a teenage prankster.

“That was a lie. You did not talk to President Trump on that night… You can admit it?” Blanche asked.

“No, sir, I can’t,” Cohen replied, saying he believed he also spoke to Trump about the Daniels deal.

Trump’s lawyers have said they may call Bradley A. Smith, a Republican law professor who was appointed by former President Bill Clinton to the Federal Election Commission, to refute the prosecution’s contention that the hush money payments amounted to campaign-finance violations.

Judge Juan M. Merchan has limited what Smith can address, however, and the defense could decide not to call him, after all.

There are often guardrails around expert testimony on legal matters, on the basis that it’s up to a judge — not an expert hired by one side or the other — to instruct jurors on applicable laws in a case.

Merchan has ruled that Smith can give general background on the FEC, the laws it enforces and the definitions of such terms as “campaign contribution.” But he can’t interpret how federal campaign finance laws apply to the facts of Trump’s case or opine on whether the former president’s alleged actions violate those laws.

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Richer reported from Washington.

Michael R. Sisak, Jennifer Peltz, Jake Offenhartz And Alanna Durkin Richer, The Associated Press


TEL AVIV, Israel (AP) — Elise Stefanik, a House Republican leader seen as a candidate to be Donald Trump’s running mate, delivered a speech before Israel’s parliament on Sunday in which she criticized President Joe Biden’s approach to the war in Gaza.

Stefanik, the fourth highest-ranked Republican in the House of Representatives, is the latest of several U.S. politicians from both sides of the aisle to visit Israel since Hamas’ Oct. 7 attack ignited the war in Gaza. But it’s rare for such visitors to address Israel’s parliament, known as the Knesset.

Speaking at a session dedicated to combatting antisemitism worldwide, Stefanik vowed to help with “crushing antisemitism at home and providing Israel what it needs when it needs it, without conditions.”

She was referring to Biden’s decision to hold up the delivery of some 3,500 bombs of up to 2,000 pounds each, and his refusal to provide offensive weapons for a long-promised Israeli invasion of the southern city of Rafah. The administration fears such an operation would plunge Gaza into an even more severe humanitarian catastrophe.

“There is no excuse for an American president to block aid to Israel that was duly passed by the Congress, and there was no excuse to ease sanctions on Iran,” she said.

Stefanik, a representative from upstate New York and a strong supporter of Trump, is believed to be on the short list of his possible running mates.

In December, she grilled university presidents at a five-hour congressional hearing about antisemitism on campus. Two of the university presidents, from Harvard and the University of Pennsylvania, resigned soon after.

“Total victory is not just physical self-defense, but ideological self-defense,” Stefanik said during the session, referring to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s frequent claim that Israel must achieve “total victory” in the war against Hamas.

The Associated Press


A man, with another man and a woman behind him, speaks at a podium.

John Aldag has confirmed that he will resign his federal seat effective May 27, and will subsequently file papers to try to secure a nomination in the upcoming British Columbia provincial election under the NDP banner.