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CANTON, Ga. (AP) — A lone Democrat competing for a state senate seat in a deeply Republican Atlanta suburb snagged nearly 40% of votes in a special primary election last month, amplifying her party’s optimism that discontent with President Donald Trump could spur future wins.

Yet it’s unclear whether Democrat Debra Shigley’s success foreshadows a coming Democratic wave like her supporters hope. Democrats have performed well in low-turnout special elections in recent years, and parties perform better locally when they aren’t in control of the executive branch, Georgia Republican strategist Brian Robinson said.

“To read the tea leaves too much is a fool’s errand, because it’s such a low turnout,” Robinson said. “All it shows is that Democrats are more angry than Republicans are, and fear and anger are the most important motivators in voter turnout.”

Data from The Downballot tracking 39 special elections nationwide since Trump entered office shows that on average, Democrats performed 15.7 percentage points better than former Vice President Kamala Harris did as a presidential candidate in 2024. Republicans mostly kept their seats, but Democrats flipped a Pennsylvania state senate seat in March and two Iowa state Senate seats in January and August.

Anger at DC, or a predictable outcome?

After taking the primary, Shigley advances to a Sept. 23 runoff in which Republican Jason Dickerson will be favored. The District 21 seat is up for grabs after Trump drafted state Sen. Brandon Beach, who won with more than 70% of the vote in 2024, to serve as U.S. treasurer.

Georgia does not have party primaries in special legislative elections, so Shigley competed against six Republicans. Dickerson, an investment company president, came in second with 17.4% of the vote.

Shigley is a lawyer and mother of five who started a business that delivers hair care services to women of color. She lives in the affluent suburb of Milton, and it is her second political race after she lost in 2024 to Republican state House Speaker Pro Tem Jan Jones.

Shigley promises to champion working families and push to lower the costs of housing, health care and groceries. But she says her campaign is also generating enthusiasm because it’s letting Democrats organize and “make their voices heard” in a moment when “folks have felt a lot of despair.”

“The chaos that’s happening right now is causing folks not just pain in their pocketbook but the anxiety when you look at the headlines and feel it’s just one chaotic measure everyday,” Shigley said at a recent campaign event in the district, which includes suburbs in Fulton and Cherokee counties about 20 miles (30 kilometers) north of downtown Atlanta.

Connor Roberts, who knocked on hundreds of doors for Shigley over the summer before starting his freshman year at college, said people may not be switching which party they vote for, but many who lean liberal are “really fired up” about Trump’s actions and are voting in special elections when they usually wouldn’t.

Dickerson, for his part, has made standard conservative appeals on the campaign trail, advocating for lower taxes, less bureaucracy, stricter immigration enforcement and election integrity. He is self-funding his race.

“Dickerson is stepping up to serve our community rather than lobbyists or special interests,” his campaign website says.

Dickerson has said his experience as a businessman would help him work with other legislators to pass conservative policies. He also touts his track record helping people access housing and scholarships through his foundation.

Looking to 2026

The Democratic Party in Cherokee County, home to most of the district, has historically been weak, according to party chair Nate Rich.

But Rich said it has come alive for Shigley’s campaign, which has drawn hundreds of volunteers and unprecedented enthusiasm from voters. In his view Democrats need a platform that promises to do more than just oppose Trump, and Shigley’s emphasis on helping working families does just that.

“The small army that we built, we’re training them up,” Rich said.

Even if Shigley loses, Democrats hope grassroots organizers will multiply statewide with races coming up in 2026 for governor, U.S senator and other offices.

“The way we win the governor’s seat and the U.S. Senate seat is by organizing up and down the ballot, and it’s races like Debra’s that are going to lay the groundwork that is going to build the broad-based coalition that we need to win,” said former state Sen. Jason Esteves, an Atlanta Democrat and gubernatorial candidate who has campaigned for Shigley multiple times.

Georgia Republican Party chairman Josh McKoon said Republicans also need to mobilize their voters to avoid losses like the 2021 U.S. Senate runoff, but the state still leans conservative.

“If Democrats are saying that because she got 39% of the vote in a rock-bottom-turnout special election, that’s good news, then they’re having to look really hard to find good news for Georgia Democrats,” McKoon said.

How voters feel about Trump a year from now will matter most for the 2026 elections, said Charles Bullock III, a political science professor at the University of Georgia.

McKoon noted that the GOP picked up ground in the 2024 presidential election and is confident voters still largely support Trump statewide. But Bullock said there are signs that people across party lines are displeased with the president’s immigration crackdown and tariffs, which could continue to drive up prices.

“What’s going to be at play in 2026 is does Trump deliver on his promises, and if he does, are they still popular?” Bullock said.

Only if Democrats flip more seats across the country, he said, will Shigley’s race “tell us something broader.”

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Kramon is a corps member for The Associated Press/Report for America Statehouse News Initiative. Report for America is a nonprofit national service program that places journalists in local newsrooms to report on undercovered issues.

Charlotte Kramon, The Associated Press




Some students watched the video in the middle of class. Others pulled out their phones as they walked out of school and found themselves watching the videos over and over. Some teachers interrupted lessons to discuss the horrific news.

Almost instantly after Charlie Kirk was assassinated Wednesday at Utah Valley University, the news — captured on video in grisly detail — sent shockwaves through classrooms everywhere. Because no matter teens’ political opinions, everyone knew Kirk.

In high school classes in Spanish Fork, Utah, chatter spread fast Wednesday, as students learned of the shooting and began to wonder if Kirk would live or die. A cellphone ban meant many students didn’t learn of Kirk’s fate until the final bell — pushing tough conversations in class to the next day.

“By the end of the day, I was worn out,” said English teacher Andrew Apsley. He discussed the shooting with each of his four classes Thursday at Landmark High School, about 15 miles south of UVU.

In the current political climate and with new cellphone bans, schools have tried to push social media and controversial topics to the sidelines, saying classes should focus on basic academics. Kirk’s shooting upended all that.

Graphic footage of Kirk’s shooting on the Utah college campus was available almost immediately online, captured by cellphones from several angles. The videos, in slow motion and real-time speed, show a direct view of Kirk being shot, his body recoiling and blood gushing from his neck. The videos were easy to find on X, TikTok and Instagram.

Many teens say they feel traumatized by what they saw. They couldn’t escape the videos popping up on their social media feeds or being passed to them by friends and classmates. Some teens posted warnings that urged people not to click on the Kirk videos, saying they wished the visuals had come with trigger warnings.

Apsley’s 19-year-old child received a gruesome video of Kirk’s death in a message from a friend. His child has autism and has difficulty processing emotions, so the video was “pretty traumatic,” Apsley said. That incident became a teaching moment for Apsley’s students.

“I know we want to be first. I know we want to be the one to share the information that other people rely on,” Apsley recalled telling his classes. “But at the same time, not everyone is well-equipped to handle something as graphic and violent as that.”

Students tuned in everywhere, highlighting the global reality of social media.

In Canada, Aidan Groves was in a college writing class when he saw a headline on Reddit that Kirk had been shot. He had not shared Kirk’s political views, yet “my heart sank, and I was immediately on edge,” said Groves, a student at Southern Alberta Institute of Technology in Calgary. He quickly swiped through comments, feeling overcome by horror and dread. Even so, he left his classroom to watch the video.

Groves, 19, grew up watching his dad play video games with violent imagery, but he was struck by the video’s immediacy and the crowd’s frantic reaction. “I’ve never seen anybody die, and immediately everybody in this crowd had just witnessed that,” he said.

When Groves returned to class 10 minutes later, everyone was distracted by the news of the shooting. Students passed around their phones. Some of his classmates expressed shock. Others who weren’t fond of Kirk’s views cracked jokes.

Through it all, the professor carried on with his lesson.

Whether students admired Kirk or not, teenagers across the world knew him from his social media presence. A right-wing activist and close ally of President Donald Trump, Kirk’s savvy use of social videos, capturing his pithy responses to questions from liberals, raised his profile at speaking events on college campuses and online, especially among young men.

San Francisco teen Richie Trovao didn’t agree with all of Kirk’s ideas, but admired how the activist “really stood on his beliefs.” Trovao, 17, had thought about getting politically involved himself, but the assassination has given him second thoughts. He worries that speaking his mind could put him at risk.

The high school senior was on Discord when a friend messaged that Kirk had been shot. Trovao didn’t believe it at first, so he went to X to confirm, and a video of Kirk’s death autoplayed. His stomach turned.

“I never thought I would see something like that happen to someone who’s just basically an influencer,” Trovao said. Especially shocking: Some social media comments seemed to celebrate Kirk’s death.

Reaction to the video has highlighted the political divide and polarization that exists among American youth, said Connecticut high school senior Prakhar Vatsa. That was the main topic of discussion among classmates in his AP Government class after Kirk’s death.

Raised in an era of easy access to violent imagery, Vatsa, 17, said he wasn’t too affected when he saw the video while scrolling social media, because he isn’t too sensitive to gore.

“It was a bit traumatizing, but I’ve seen worse,” he said.

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The Associated Press’ education coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP’s standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at AP.org.

Makiya Seminera And Jocelyn Gecker, The Associated Press






A TV monitor displays a picture of Tyler Robinson, the suspected of killing Charlie Kirk on September 11, in Orem, Utah, on September 12, 2025.  (Photo by PATRICK T. FALLON/AFP via Getty Images)

On Friday in Utah, agents from the FBI and local law enforcement
arrested
22-year-old Tyler Robinson for the assassination of Charlie Kirk following a two-day manhunt.
 

On Wednesday, Kirk had just begun an open-air talk at Utah Valley University when a shot fired from a nearby rooftop struck him fatally in the neck.
 

While, it is still early, the evidence so far points to the accused killer having left-wing political motives.

Police recovered a typical hunting rifle from the scene, and shell casings engraved with phrases like “
Hey fascist! Catch!
”, “Bella Ciao,” a line from a popular Italian anti-fascist resistance song made popular during the Second World War, which has been revived in recent years as a left-wing anthem.

A friend of Robinson’s from high school told media that he knew him to be the only leftist in an otherwise Republican family. And, according to family members, Robinson had become more political in the last couple of years, and that at a recent family dinner he discussed with another family member how they disliked Kirk and his views. although Robinson’s parents were registered Republicans.


Following Kirk’s murder, Democratic Representative Pramila Jayapal was not willing to let the tragedy go to waste, and
posted
“It’s the guns” on X. A gun may have been used to kill Kirk, but the intent to kill somebody for their political views and power is at the heart of it all.
 

Based on what has been reported so far, Kirk was shot because his killer believed he was a “fascist.”
 

However, much of what Kirk believed was hardly on the fringe. He believed sex is binary, was critical of DEI policies and supported Israel’s war against Hamas — views that are held by millions across North America. To call him a fascist is nothing short of slander. He was a staunch right-winger, whose politics were not all that different than those who fought fascists in Europe and the Pacific in the 1940s.

Throwing the term “fascist” around so loosely makes violence easier. Fascism is a violent ideology, and one that had to be defeated by force.
 

To call someone a “fascist” is to give licence to do them harm, and left-wingers have been demonizing their opponents with the label for decades.
 

It is why George Abaraonye, president-elect of the Oxford Union, celebrated when news of Kirk’s shooting was announced. He sent the
message
“Charlie Kirk got shot, let’s go,”
before
following up with “Charlie Kirk got shot loool.” in an Instagram chat.
 

Both Kirk and Abaraonye had actually
debated
face to face at the Oxford Union earlier that year, and the visual contrast between them is striking.
 

Kirk is dressed smartly in a crisp suit while Abaraonye is there looking like he just rolled off the couch in sweats and sandals. Such an appearance was unbecoming of somebody ostensibly representing the most storied university in the history of mankind.
 

Hundreds of brilliant individuals had enough respect for Oxford to dress the part, and showing up like a slob is a window into the absence of respect that radicals have for classic debate.
 

A recent YouGov poll
found
that just 38 per cent of Democrats felt it was unacceptable to feel joy at the death of an opponent, compared to 77 per cent of Republicans. That is another window into the desperation felt among the Democratic Party’s base that is manifesting in bloodshed.
 

People were always free to disagree with Kirk and he welcomed their arguments, but those having a party following his death will have their reputations tainted forever, either in public or in private amongst friends. This is a time where good people separate themselves from each other.
 

Those who hated Kirk are unlikely to ever match his ability to organize for the Republicans and be such a marketable face for the conservative movement. If the initial evidence about the motives of Kirk’s alleged killer ultimately prove founded, the fatal shot undid years of efforts by left wing activists to present themselves as the peaceful faction in American politics.
 

National Post


OTTAWA — Former environment minister Catherine McKenna says federal security agencies initially refused to offer her protection — and wouldn’t even show her the risk assessment they’d completed — as she faced a rising tide of threats and harassment online and in person.

McKenna was the Liberal MP for Ottawa Centre from 2015 to 2021 and served in cabinet the entire time, first as environment minister and later as the minister of infrastructure.

She has previously discussed the years of abuse she endured in politics — particularly as the minister responsible for the Trudeau government’s climate policy — but describes her experiences in far more detail in her new autobiography, Run Like a Girl, which is being released next week.

In the book, she says the attacks on her expanded over time from social media swipes to people hurling abuse and harassing her and her staff in person — at work, outside her home, even when she was on outings with her kids.

“Many of the tweets were violent,” she writes. “One popular meme featured a Barbie doll being crushed by a sledgehammer. Another one had the message, ‘Tick Tock, Barbie Bitch.’

“And it didn’t stop with me. The messages threatened my family as well and described different ways we would be attacked and how my kids should contract fatal diseases.”

Strange men showed up at her Ottawa home and took selfies outside, then posted the videos online later as “trophies,” she writes. A man in a truck pulled up beside her and her children as they walked past an Ottawa movie theatre and hurled profanity-laden abuse while he filmed her reaction.

Just after the 2019 election, her constituency office was defaced with graffiti depicting a degrading word for a woman, and she says her staff repeatedly faced harassment and attacks when they answered the office phone.

“We would get disturbing threats in letters or packages with bizarre contents,” she writes.

In August 2020, she writes, a man walked into her constituency office and verbally assaulted her staff while recording the encounter. She says her staff reported the incident to the RCMP but didn’t get a call back.

McKenna says that when she found out, she contacted the Ottawa Police, who did launch an investigation. The next day, she says, she asked her chief of staff to tell the Prime Minister’s Office it must immediately hold a meeting with everyone responsible for MPs’ security.

“I said, ‘We’re not doing this anymore. I’m on my own with my kids, and I’ve got some guy screaming at my staff and he’s looking for me. It’s time the people responsible for my safety took it seriously,'” McKenna writes.

But when that meeting happened, McKenna writes, it felt like she “wasn’t even there.” She says security agencies were “passing the buck” on who was responsible for her safety at different times and places, and the RCMP told her they only provided security when they saw a significant risk.

“I asked for my risk assessment which they refused to disclose and cited security clearances. I reminded them I was a minister and had top-security clearance. Then more excuses,” McKenna writes.

“I was furious. ‘If anything happens to me or my family, family, I’m holding all of you responsible,”‘ McKenna recalls telling the agencies. “‘So let’s just get real. Do you know where this guy is currently? The one hurling abuse at my staff? Do any of you know?”‘

McKenna says someone replied the man could have been in Calgary for all they knew.

“’He’s here in Ottawa,’ I exploded. ‘The Ottawa Police know where he is,'” McKenna writes. “At some point the RCMP increased security and took the protection of ministers, including myself, more seriously.”

She says former defence minister Harjit Sajjan — who was often seen with a tight protective detail during his time in politics — was also denied access to his risk assessment.

“I was like, ‘Look, I’m just one person who’s just trying to do my job. And the only reason I’m getting these is because I’m a cabinet minister working on climate change,'” McKenna recently told The Canadian Press in an interview ahead of her book launch.

The RCMP has not yet responded to a request for comment from The Canadian Press about McKenna’s allegations.

Only the prime minister and governor general are provided round-the-clock security by the RCMP’s VIP protection branch. In recent years, however, cabinet ministers and some higher profile opposition MPs have been seen with security details — including Liberal minister Mélanie Joly, Conservative deputy leader Melissa Lantsman and former NDP leader Jagmeet Singh.

In 2024, the RCMP reported the budget for protecting parliamentarians, excluding the prime minister, had increased to $2.5 million in the nine months from April to December 2023. That was 40 per cent more than the $1.8 million budget in the full 12 months before that, and 86 per cent more than the $1.4 million spent in 2021-22.

McKenna told The Canadian Press she wrote her book to inspire young women and help them feel supported — though she said some of her friends and family, after reading the book, asked why anyone would want to get in politics.

“The security situation involving politicians is not OK. And what I went through, the reason I tell this is because it was bonkers, and we need to do better,” McKenna said in an interview.

“I’ve talked to a number of women politicians, including this week, not even at the federal level, at the local and provincial level. And they are facing extreme threats, not just online, but offline. And that’s not OK. I know most Canadians don’t think it’s OK.”

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 13, 2025.

Nick Murray, The Canadian Press



OTTAWA — Former federal environment minister Catherine McKenna says the Justin Trudeau government’s efforts to explain the consumer carbon price to Canadians were “half-hearted” — and just getting a meeting with the prime minister to discuss it “seemed impossible.”

McKenna offers those behind-the-scenes details in her new autobiography, Run Like A Girl, which is being launched next week.

McKenna, first elected in 2015, was immediately named the minister of environment and oversaw the implementation of carbon pricing in 2019. She describes in her book her struggles to defend and promote consumer carbon pricing, which was ultimately repealed by Prime Minister Mark Carney on his first day in office in March.

She says the idea of making the consumer carbon price “revenue-neutral” by rebating the money collected to Canadians first came from a meeting she had with George Shultz, a Republican who was secretary of state under former U.S. president Ronald Reagan.

“But pushing this idea internally wasn’t easy. Some people, particularly in the (Prime Minister’s Office), wanted to invest any new revenue in green projects,” McKenna writes.

“I argued that if we went down that path, people would see it as a tax grab and challenge how we spent the money.”

She says then-finance minister Bill Morneau supported a revenue-neutral program, but when they tried to pitch the idea to Trudeau, they struggled to get a meeting.

“This was a flagship government policy, yet getting half an hour to discuss it seemed impossible,” she writes.

In an interview with The Canadian Press, McKenna said her efforts to get a meeting with Trudeau shouldn’t be taken as a reflection on his commitment to climate action.

“I think it was more his leadership style. It was hard to get meetings with him. And we were always told, ‘You could always call up the prime minister,’ but for whatever reason, I could not get a meeting for a very long time on one of the most important policies,” she said.

“I really wanted to look him in the eye and just say, ‘You’re on board with this, right?'”

In the end, McKenna writes, it was Liberal MPs speaking up in a caucus meeting who helped her get Trudeau on side.

But it was Trudeau’s decision to exempt home heating oil from carbon pricing several years later that ultimately killed the policy, she adds.

That move, which happened two years after McKenna left federal politics, overwhelmingly benefited people in Atlantic Canada, while people in other parts of the country are more likely to heat their homes with other fuels, such as natural gas.

“I was stunned. This wasn’t just a policy shift — it was a blatant, politically motivated move designed to shore up support in Atlantic Canada. When I saw (Trudeau) standing behind a podium with a sign that read, ‘Making Life More Affordable,’ I spit out my coffee,” McKenna writes.

“The announcement was beyond cynical. It was stupid. It created confusion and resentment outside of Atlantic Canada. It also undermined the government’s climate goals and sent the message that action on climate change could be delayed whenever it became politically convenient.”

The government faced other obstacles to getting Canadians to support consumer carbon pricing, she writes, citing the reluctance of Canada’s big banks to properly label the Canada Carbon Rebate in people’s bank accounts and the Canada Revenue Agency’s initial refusal to issue quarterly payments rather than lump sums.

The policy was undermined further by a flawed analysis issued by the parliamentary budget officer which suggested Canadians were paying more than they were getting back in rebates, McKenna says.

In 2024, the PBO office admitted it made an inadvertent error in its initial analysis five years prior by including the carbon price charged to big industry. It ran the analysis again and came to a similar conclusion — but also acknowledged that the impact on household income would be lower than it predicted in its previous report.

The Liberals also criticized the PBO analysis for looking at the economic impact of carbon pricing without taking into account the cost of climate change itself.

In her book, McKenna calls the PBO’s error “flagrant malpractice.”

She also claims the Liberals limited their efforts to communicate to Canadians how carbon pricing actually affected their household income.

“It was partly our government’s fault,” McKenna writes, adding the Liberals introduced restrictions on government advertising after being elected.

Federal officials feared a public education campaign on carbon pricing would be viewed as too political, McKenna recalls.

“In retrospect, our restrictions backfired. I wasn’t sure how providing factual information about a carbon rebate that Canadians needed to apply for when they did their taxes qualified as political,” she writes.

“Instead, they were fed misleading statements or outright lies by Conservative politicians like Pierre Poilievre, who repeatedly called the carbon price a ‘job-killing tax’ that needed to be ‘axed.'”

Today, McKenna is the chair of the United Nations high-level expert group on net-zero emissions commitments from non-state entities. She has a new report coming out in a few weeks on how the Paris agreement was instrumental in getting government and industry to act on lowering emissions — and how the next decade will be critical to the fight against climate change.

Her report comes as the Carney government still refuses to say whether it’s committed to Canada’s 2030 emissions reduction targets.

Speaking to reporters in French on Thursday in Edmonton, Carney said he was focused on “results not goals” when asked if he’s still committed to Canada’s targets under the Paris agreement.

Asked for her thoughts on where the Carney government is heading on the Paris agreement — which she helped to negotiate and writes about extensively in her book — McKenna said she has faith in Carney.

“I’ve worked with Mark Carney when I was minister. He came to Canada, he supported our policies. We talked about the importance of carbon pricing,” McKenna said.

“He has not announced his climate plan. He says that that’s going to come.”

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Sept. 13, 2025.

Nick Murray, The Canadian Press


MIAMI (AP) — The U.S. government employs a sizable staff of 150 Venezuelans and spends upward of $6.7 million annually for upkeep of the shuttered American embassy and other diplomatic properties in Caracas, despite having broken relations with President Nicolás Maduro’s government in 2019, according to a new watchdog report.

The report, published on Friday by the State Department’s Office of Inspector General, criticized U.S. officials for failing to conduct a required cost-benefit analysis to determine whether taxpayers should continue to foot the bill for the security, operations, and maintenance of the 27-acre embassy compound and five residences no longer housing American diplomats.

The Trump administration has emphasized cost-cutting efforts across the government and remade U.S. foreign policy, including launching a military strike on a boat off the Venezuelan coast that has upended drug busts at sea and ramped up tensions with the adversarial South American government.

The first Trump administration broke ties with Maduro and recognized an opponent as Venezuela’s legitimate leader in a failed attempt to force the socialist leader from power. As part of the breakdown in relations, the State Department in March 2019 suspended operations at its embassy in Caracas and evacuated all diplomats, fearing a takeover of the hilltop compound.

US Embassy work that remains in Venezuela

A contingent of Venezuelans employed by the State Department was always known to have stayed behind to advance U.S. interests, and relations between the two governments — although outwardly hostile — never ceased completely. The size of that mission and an account of their behind-the-scenes work have not been made public.

The inspector general report, while focused on compliance with U.S. policies, nevertheless provides a rare glimpse into that sensitive work, much of it risky given the Maduro government’s record for jailing Americans, opponents and sometimes regular Venezuelans accused of conspiring with U.S. “imperialists.”

Relations have further soured over an American buildup of warships in the Caribbean and a strike on a boat that the Trump administration says was piloted by gang members trafficking drugs.

“It’s not a bad idea to have minimum baseline operations at the embassy,” said Geoff Ramsey, a senior analyst on Venezuela at the Atlantic Council in Washington. “If relations ever get restored, it’s important that we have a team on the ground that’s ready to move the relationship forward. But if we’re spending millions of dollars just to maintain a few empty buildings with no end in sight, I think it’s fair to raise questions about the price tag.”

The State Department didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment.

Watchdog criticizes parts of remote Venezuela mission

The 28-page report was based on an inspection this year of the so-called Venezuela Affairs Unit, which is run out of a narrow, former training room called the “submarine” at the U.S. Embassy in neighboring Colombia.

The office was initially staffed with 10 U.S. diplomats as a stopgap way to manage relations with Maduro’s government and — it was hoped — pave the way for his quick replacement by a government aligned with the U.S.

Since then, the number of employees working at the remote mission has increased to 21, the watchdog said, adding that it could find no evidence that the State Department conducted a review to justify the staffing increases.

The unit was headed until January by career diplomat Francisco Palmieri, who also served as the top American diplomat to Colombia at a time when the U.S. lacked an ambassador to either country.

The dual role of leading one of the largest U.S. overseas embassies in Colombia, while running a highly unusual remote mission, negatively affected the Venezuela Affairs Unit, the report found. It cited the difficulty Palmieri faced reviewing all sensitive diplomatic cables and participating in meetings supporting secret talks with Maduro officials.

Much of the unit’s work appears to be supported by 150 locally employed staff in Venezuela. At least some of those employees appear to be working from the embassy compound itself, according to the report, which found instances of unauthorized renovations to two embassy buildings.

After lowering the U.S. flag at the embassy, the U.S. reached an agreement with Switzerland to serve as the “protecting power” of the diplomatic compound. The total annual budget to support the operations in Caracas, including pay for local staff, stands at $10.5 million.

The inspection, which concluded in March, praised several initiatives by the Venezuela Affairs Unit, including establishing a WhatsApp channel that promoted content reaching 144,000 individuals monthly.

However, the watchdog also issued seven recommendations for shoring up compliance with State Department policies on issues ranging from management of diplomatic residences and staffing levels to proper use of a vehicle fleet and cloud-based software by staff in Caracas.

Rules require that U.S. embassies annually identify any excess properties not being fully utilized or that no longer make economic sense to maintain. In Venezuela, the U.S. owns five properties, including the ambassador’s residence, the home of the deputy chief of mission and three apartments.

___

AP Diplomatic Writer Matthew Lee in Washington contributed to this report.

Joshua Goodman, The Associated Press




Political analyst Matthew Dowd says MSNBC reacted to a “right wing media mob” in firing him for commentary about hateful rhetoric that aired on the network shortly after early reports this week that conservative activist Charlie Kirk had been shot.

In a Substack post Friday, Dowd admitted to being “down and a bit disheartened.” The former aide to George W. Bush, who was a political analyst at ABC News for nearly 15 years before joining MSNBC in 2022, detailed a long-running grudge that President Donald Trump had against him since his first term.

Dowd was fired after his commentary on Kirk, in which he said “hateful thoughts lead to hateful words which ultimately lead to hateful actions.” MSNBC President Rebecca Kutler called the remarks insensitive and apologized to viewers. Dowd apologized, too, saying he didn’t mean to imply Kirk was to blame for the violence that killed him.

At the time he spoke, Dowd wrote, he was responding to reports of a shooting at Kirk’s appearance, when it wasn’t even clear that Kirk has been hit. He said on the air that Kirk was a divisive and polarizing figure. He thought “how could anyone disagree with this?” he wrote on Substack. “I guess I was naive.”

“The right wing media mob ginned up, went after me on a plethora of platforms, and MSNBC reacted to that mob,” Dowd wrote on Substack. “Even though most at MSNBC knew my words were being misconstrued, the timing of my words forgotten … and that I apologized for any miscommunication on my part, I was terminated by the end of the day.”

But people at MSNBC knew right away that his words were inappropriate, and the decision to fire Dowd was not the result of outside pressure, said an executive at the network, who spoke under condition of anonymity because the person was not authorized to talk about personnel issues.

A corporate message on Dowd’s firing

Reverberations over the firing continued Friday, with a memo sent to Comcast employees by Brian Roberts, CEO of the company that owns MSNBC; Comcast President Mike Cavanagh; and Mark Lazarus, CEO of Versant, the spinoff company that is to take over MSNBC ownership — if it receives Trump administration approval.

Without using Dowd’s name, it referred to the firing and said his comments were “at odds with fostering civil dialogue and being willing to listen to the points of view of those who have differing opinions. We should be able to disagree, robustly and passionately, but, ultimately with respect. We need to do better.”

The letter urged employees to “engage with respect, listen, and treat people with kindness.”

The dismissal and Trump’s previous criticisms of Comcast and MSNBC raise questions about whether he will take further actions to constrain TV networks he views as adversarial. In an August social media post, the president wrote that it was “so much fun to watch their weak and ineffective owner, ‘Concast,’ headed by dopey Brian Roberts, hopelessly and aimlessly flailing in the wind in an attempt to disassociate itself from the garbage that they created!”

In his Substack post, Dowd said he had been very critical of Trump and the Republican party while at ABC News, and said Trump and White House staff called the head of ABC News to try and get him fired. “ABC News folks came to me a number of times after that and tried to get me to not be so critical,” he said.

Asked about that, White House communications director Steven Cheung said, “Matthew Dowd is an irrelevant piece of s-— loser who has debased himself for what he disgustingly said in the aftermath of Wednesday’s tragedy.”

___

AP writer Josh Boak in New York contributed to this report. David Bauder writes about media for the AP. Follow him at http://x.com/dbauder and https://bsky.app/profile/dbauder.bsky.social.

David Bauder, The Associated Press


A man in a blue suit and black tie speak into a microphone

Pierre Poilievre says he worries for his family as political violence concerns grow in the U.S. and Canada following the fatal shooting of an American right-wing activist. The Conservative leader believes all of Canada’s top politicians should have protection.


SACRAMENTO, Calif. (AP) — California state lawmakers have passed legislation that would ban most law enforcement officers from covering their faces while carrying out operations, a response to recent immigration raids in Los Angeles.

But even if the governor signs the measure into law, it’s unclear whether the state could enforce it on the federal agents who have been carrying out those raids.

It is the first such bill to be approved by a state legislature, though Democrats in Congress and lawmakers in several states, including Tennessee, Michigan, Illinois, New York, Massachusetts, and Pennsylvania, have introduced similar proposals calling for mask bans for law enforcement officers.

California’s legislation, approved in the Democratic-controlled Legislature on Thursday, is among a number of bills state lawmakers were considering this year in response to the immigration raids.

The bill would prohibit neck gator, ski masks and other facial covering for local and federal officers, including immigration enforcement agents, while they conduct official business. It makes exceptions for undercover agents, medical masks such as N95 respirators or tactical gear.

Gov. Gavin Newsom has about a month to decide whether to sign it into law. The Democratic governor has criticized federal agents’ use of masks while making arrests but in July also questioned the state’s authority over federal agents. His office said Friday it does not typically comment on pending legislation.

Proponents of the bill said the proposal is necessary, especially after the Supreme Court earlier this week ruled that the federal administration can resume the sweeping immigration operations for now in Los Angeles.

Assemblymember Juan Carrillo, vice chair of the Latino caucus, said the decision is “effectively allowing federal agents stop suspects based solely on their race, language, or job.”

“How is anyone supposed to reasonably believe that they are law enforcement officers and not masked individuals trying to kidnap you?” he said prior to the vote. “Imagine the absolute fear of being pulled over at gunpoint by a group of masked individuals.”

Supporters also cited an opinion from constitutional law expert Erwin Chemerinsky at the University of California, Berkeley to defend the proposal. A state cannot directly regulate the federal government, he wrote in an opinion piece for the Sacramento Bee, but that does not mean federal employees do not have to follow state rules “unless doing so would significantly interfere with the performance of their duties. For example, while on the job, federal employees must stop at red lights.”

“ICE agents have never before worn masks when apprehending people, and that never has posed a problem. Nor have other officers of local, state and federal law enforcement faced dangers from the public because they don’t wear masks in the streets,” he wrote.

Republican lawmakers and law enforcement agencies said the legislation would only make the job more dangerous for officers.

“Bad guys wear masks because they don’t want to get caught. Good guys wear masks because they don’t want to get killed,” said state Republican Sen. Kelly Seyarto on Thursday.

The increase in high-profile immigration enforcement was already contentious between those opposed to the actions of Trump’s administration and those in support of them. The sight of masked agents carrying it out is creating a whole new level of conflict, in a way that has no real comparison in the U.S. history of policing.

Trump administration officials have consistently defended the practice, saying that immigration agents have faced strident and increasing harassment in public and online as they have gone about their enforcement in service of Trump’s drive toward mass deportation, and hiding their identities is for their and their families’ safety.

Democrats and others, including several state attorneys general, have pushed back, saying the use of face masks generates public fear and should be halted.

Trân Nguyễn, The Associated Press


OTTAWA — Foreign Affairs Minister Anita Anand tells The Canadian Press Ottawa summoned Russia’s ambassador to Canada, Oleg Stepanov, on Wednesday over the incursion of Russian drones into Poland.

More coming.

Dylan Robertson, The Canadian Press