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We've got a surplus of talk and a deficit of action here in Canada.

This week, columnist and cartoonist J.J. McCullough found himself the subject of an actual motion in the House of Commons over a column he wrote for the Washington Post asking why so much gun violence takes place in the province of Quebec.

CPC leadership candidate Kellie Leitch and campaign manager Nick Kouvalis recently parted ways in no small part due to a backlash arising from Kouvalis calling a critic a "cuck".

And just to show that it isn't only conservatives who face widespread public condemnation for their words, Justin Trudeau's credibility amongst First Nations suffered badly when he told a crowd that young FN adults needed "a place to store their canoes and paddles."

You can call these people out for the words they use, and they can defend themselves against those call-outs.  That's freedom of speech.

But for some reason we never move past the talking to deal with the underlying issues.

How does a motion condemning J.J. McCullough, or insisting that coverage of the tragedy specifically mentions the killer's white skin and that it was a terrorist attack, stop gun violence or address any contributing factors?

Similarly, endless poring over every word our politicians have said in search of a quote that can be shoehorned into an attack ad too often distracts from the business our MP's should be tending to.

But then again, those same MP's who have been part of governments that have reannounced the same funding for the same project over and over again without any progress to show for it, who have blamed other levels of government for inaction, and who feign outrage- poorly-before the cameras during Question Period are just as guilty of letting words substitute for action.

Our media is just as much to blame for this sad state of affairs.

Thanks to them, we have now have been thoroughly educated about the origin of the word "cuck" and its various meanings, but if anyone has come up with a way to prevent the spread of this demonic phrase, I have yet to see it reported in the pages of a Canadian newspaper.

Whatever the word's power to do harm, the media has only increased that power by giving it a dark and terrifying quality.

I haven't quite figured out why Canadians settle for the same old excuses and empty words time and time again.

I do know that some Canadians have an overstated sense of their own reputation "on the world stage", which is why shaming can be so effective at reigning them in.

If you've checked the international scene lately, however, you know that naming and shaming has become somewhat less than effective at keeping established politicians in power.

And if you know anything about the alt-right, you know that shamelessness is one of their most powerful weapons.

I'm willing to bet that dealing with the concerns these people have and taking them seriously instead of making false shows of empathy or shaming them would do a lot more to stop the rise of the alt-right.

But that would require establishment politicians to move outside their comfort zones.  It would require them to do something about a problem, rather than just talking about it.

And here in Canada, those with the power to effect change seem too ashamed to do so.

Written by Josh Lieblein

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Many Canadians are confused by the lofty alphabet soup of models, leading to several high-profile failures on the provincial front

TORONTO, Ont. /Troy Media/ After months of hemming and hawing, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau finally put the proverbial dagger in a significant campaign promise: "2015 will be the last federal election conducted under the first-past-the-post voting system."

In his recent mandate letter to the minister of Democratic Institutions, Karina Gould, he acknowledged the "tremendous work by the House of Commons Special Committee on Electoral Reform, outreach by members of Parliament by all parties, and engagement of 360,000 individuals in Canada through mydemocracy.ca." But a "clear preference for a new electoral system, let alone a consensus, has not emerged," Trudeau wrote, and "a referendum would not be in Canada's interest."

That's why the PM bluntly told his new minister, "Changing the electoral system will not be in your mandate."

Many Canadians were disappointed with this announcement, along with electoral reform advocacy groups like Leadnow and Fair Vote Canada.

Several Liberal MPs even spoke out.  Nathaniel Erskine-Smith wrote in a Feb. 2 piece for Huffington Post, "I am disappointed that we have broken our promise, and I strongly disagree with our government's decision to abandon electoral reform."  Adam Vaughan told CTV's Question Period that this government "made a commitment and we are not fulfilling that commitment.  I think we'll be held accountable for it and that's as it should be."

Good for them.

At the same time, they shouldn't have been terribly surprised.

The Liberals had little to no enthusiasm about electoral reform after the 2015 election.  The political messaging was all over the map, from strong support to barely a shrug.  A rookie MP, Maryam Monsef, was the minister originally in charge of this file and she badly fumbled this political football almost from the very beginning.

The Liberals also showed their cards early by supporting the preferential ballot to replace first-past-the-post (FPTP).

This wasn't surprising, either.  Preferential ballots allow people to rank their political choices.  While the Liberals have never been the first choice of all Canadians, they traditionally rank as the second choice of most non-Liberal Canadians.

The preferential ballot would have therefore been a better political strategy for the Liberals than FPTP.  It would have solidified their position as Canada's so-called natural governing party, and badly stunted the growth of the Conservatives, New Democrats and smaller parties.

Meanwhile, the fact that the Liberals 'lost' this battle will hardly cause them to shed any tears.  They've formed the federal government for more than 77 per cent of our country's history since the end of the Second World War.  Sticking with FPTP is still to their political advantage and this broken promise likely won't cost them at the ballot box.

But while electoral reform is dead for now, it won't be forever.

Most Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries use some form of proportional representation (PR).  Canada is one of the few that doesn't.  There are viable models to consider, including mixed-member proportional (MMP), alternative vote (AV) and single transferable vote (STV).

Alas, many Canadians remain confused by the lofty alphabet soup of PR models.  This has led to several high-profile failures on the provincial front, including B.C.'s 2005 and 2009 referendums on STV, and Ontario's 2007 referendum on MMP.

As one of the few small 'c' conservatives who supports electoral reform, here's what I would suggest going forward:

First, unite behind one PR model.  I would propose MMP, a hybrid of two votes: political representative (party list PR) and political party (usually FPTP).

Second, create literature and websites explaining why this model would work well in Canada.

Third, ensure that the language and theories are easy to understand.

Fourth, stick to the basics and don't manufacture ludicrous scenarios that cause unnecessary consternation.

This is the best way to achieve electoral reform in Canada.

The next party leader, or prime minister, to take up this challenge remains to be seen.  Hopefully, he or she will follow through.

Troy Media columnist and political commentator Michael Taube was a speechwriter for former prime minister Stephen Harper.

© 2017 Distributed by Troy Media

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


If you've paid the slightest bit of attention to the Conservative leadership race so far, you've probably noticed a particular brand of parochialism seeping through much of what gets said and among the kinds of policy items that the various candidates are bringing forward.  For a group of people looking to lead a G-7 country, the kind of pride being expressed over not having any real international experience is a bit galling.

Take for example Andrew Scheer, who is one of the candidates leading in endorsements, who made it a point of pride that he spent his honeymoon in Moosejaw, Saskatchewan, while he was deriding Justin Trudeau's Caribbean vacation.  While I get that the point was trying to belittle the PM for not being "average Canadian" enough, I'm not sure that it did Scheer any favours in trying to look like he would have a clue about how to conduct himself on the global stage.

Kellie Leitch and Steven Blaney have made suspicion of immigrants part of their platforms, Leitch looking to test would-be immigrants and refugee claimants for "historical" Canadian values, I'm not sure that it paints a picture of a Canada looking to engage on the global stage.  The fact that Leitch's supporters go around social media calling out people as "globalists," as though it were some terrible epithet, doesn't help that cause either.

Maxime Bernier has talked about cutting foreign aid as though it has no broader foreign policy implications, or rejecting military engagements that aren't "in Canada's interests," which shows a blinkered view of just what our interests actually are on the global stage and how to exert influence in a myriad of different ways which include assisting allies and preventing problems in hotspots around the world before they can grow and reach us here.  Erin O'Toole's big idea is some kind of Canada-UK-Australia-New Zealand pact which sounds a lot more like an anglophile wankfest, appealing to unreconstructed monarchists who dream of some Anglosphere resurgence than in dealing with the modern globe.  Don't get me wrong  I am a monarchist, but I also get that the Commonwealth is more than those four predominantly white countries.

O'Toole and others have made the point that they're not interested in Canada getting a seat on the UN Security Council, apparently less interested in any kind of influence that we could wield there than they are in doubling down on Stephen Harper's fit of pique when he refused to actually campaign to win the seat when our turn came up.  Similarly, I've heard no one talk about walking back from other Harper-era policies like shuttering diplomatic residences (sometimes to the great offence of host countries) and playing cheap on the diplomatic circuit without giving any thought about what kind of message is sends to other countries when we expect our diplomats get by hosting functions that serve only Ritz crackers and ginger ale.

The reflexive appeal to recreate the kind of Harper leadership model is not unsurprising given how most of these candidates came of age politically, but this is a party that needs to evolve beyond more than just a nicer version of Stephen Harper's party.  When Harper got elected, he had never been outside of the country beyond a couple of trips to Washington DC, and he eventually grew into the role of elder statesman in the G20, owing in part to his longevity.  The problem is that when he became prime minister, it was an era of much more global stability and that even when we had the big global financial crisis in 2008, we weren't worried about the break-up of Europe or a more aggressive Russia trying to assert its influence.  This is no longer that era of stability.

This is where I have to wonder if the addition of Kevin O'Leary to the race changes the math in any significant way.  O'Leary is the only candidate who has really been able to tout any international business experience, and he provided a heap of perspective sauce at the Halifax debate on Saturday night when he refused to dump all over our justice system by reminding other candidates about just how good we have it here in Canada.  But is this something that will resonate with the Conservative membership base?

It may not. O'Leary is in serious jeopardy of being given the Ignatieff treatment, from the time he spends at his "home" in Boston (though he insists that his tax domicile is Toronto), to the fact that he's been spending a significant amount of time campaigning from the States on American networks as opposed to Canadian ones, it certainly opens him up to accusations that he isn't spending enough time in Canada, or in crossing the country to meet more members on the ground.  Just insisting that because everyone knows him from TV may not be enough to engage with a voter base that has a history of responding to these kinds of populist signals about their political leaders being regular hockey dads (which Harper wasn't but managed to convince people that he was) than being "elites."

And let's face it there is an elitist air about O'Leary that many other candidates have eschewed, some more successfully than others.  But in the rejection of the elite in favour of the parochial, one has to wonder about what the base is rejecting when it comes to the bigger picture.  Canada is not an island, and we are very much tied to our unstable neighbour to the south and that will present a great many challenges.  Can a hockey mom or dad leader effectively deal with the millionaires and billionaires that inhabit the Trump cabinet?  Can they effectively deal with the pressures of a fracturing Europe, or with Russian aggression besides just talking tough about Ukraine without necessarily backing it up with troops or arms?  I'm not sure that the Conservative base is asking these questions, nor are the candidates proposing nuanced solutions.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


The slaughter of six innocent men at Quebec City's Islamic Cultural Centre was a Canadian tragedy now forever engraved in this country's dark history of public violence.  Yet whatever emotions of sobriety it may have inspired in the moment were quickly eclipsed by a scramble to politicize the crime for the benefit of a certain faction.  Much as Marc Lépine's 1989 killing spree at the Polytechnique de Montréal has been largely reduced to an ideological talking-point for a certain kind of feminist, progressives from the Prime Minister on down have been keen to turn the Quebec City killings into a helpful tool to silence critics of multiculturalism.

When massacres occur in the social media age, the trickle of confused and contradictory details prompt predictable scoldings about the dangers of "jumping to conclusions" before all facts are known.  This advice was quite explicitly not heeded on the evening of January 29.

Though there has been no greater killer of Muslims than Islamist radicals, initial reports of a mosque shooting immediately prompted leading voices in Canadian media and politics to conclude that a white-on-Muslim hate crime was the only conceivable explanation.  Progressives have long assumed Islamophobia to be the true horror of our times, and journalistic standards are routinely shed in the search for anecdotal confirmation.  Even as early reports described the killer as a man of "Moroccan descent" shouting "Allah Akbar," reporters were appending their stories with special features about how "people who practice Islam haven't always been made to feel so welcome in the province," and an oft-repeated anecdote about a pig's head left on the mosque's doorstep.

That the killer did, ultimately, prove to be a white guy matters little.  That conclusion was reached long before there were facts to support it, and bodies were turned into political props before they had cooled.

Mere hours after the attack, Prime Minister Trudeau released a statement declaring "diversity is our strength," while Thomas Mulcair vowed to battle "those who peddle the politics of fear and division."  Michael Chong, who is running for the leadership of the Conservative Party on a platform of unbridled hate for conservatives, tweeted that the attack was "no accident" but the "direct result of demagogues and wannabe demagogues playing to fears and prejudices" including "politicians talking division, not unity."  (Gee, you think he had anyone in mind?)

Alexandre Bissonnette's massacre could not have come at a more convenient time for many on the left, given President Trump's much-loathed temporary travel ban on seven terror-sponsoring nations had been announced the previous morning.  Eager to link one story to the other, reporters cherry-picked to turn Bissonnette into an alt-right stereotype.  It was noted he'd "liked" Donald Trump and Marine Le Pen on Facebook, though few mentioned he'd liked Jack Layton as well.  Sources were found claiming he'd posted "trollish" comments about refugees, but nothing hard was produced.  The creator of a pro-refugee page Bissonnette had supposedly terrorized conceded to the Toronto Star that "he did not recall particular attacks that targeted the Muslim community."

I'm perfectly self-aware.  If Sunday had been an Islamist massacre I'd be writing a very different column today.  But I'd also be writing in response to a terrorist ideology that explicitly, loudly, and endlessly advocates the murder of unbelievers.  Regardless of what you think of those carrying deep skepticism, even hatred, of Islam, there is simply no mainstream faction of our culture demanding the mass execution of Muslims.  Whatever evil motivated Bissonnette was a product of his own twisted mind, and those who have expressed measured, rational skepticism of radical Islam have nothing to atone for.

My own suspicion is that in the weeks to come, Bissonnette's political opinions will prove to be incoherent paranoia.  He'll likely resemble Jared Lee Loughner, the would-be assassin of Congresswoman Gabbie Giffords and a gibbering madman who was initially portrayed as an evil conservative because that was more politically useful.

There is nothing morally wrong with reacting to a massacre of Muslims by attending public rallies and giving speeches about how Islam poses no threat to anything and no one should question the country's refugee policy.  That is a conclusion drawn from perceived evidence, in the same way those who witness an Islamist massacre may call for immigration restrictions or a more aggressive foreign policy.  It is the public's job to decide which conclusion seems like an appropriate response to the challenges of our time and which is a shallow exercise in demagoguery.

Written by J.J. McCullough

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Shortly after the US election, BuzzFeed Canada media editor Craig Silverman's coverage of fake news sites that were widely shared and engaged with on Facebook during the election began an outbreak of the buzzword being reported ad infinitum by mainstream media around the globe.  Pundits, pollsters and journalists claimed this supposedly new phenomenon of fake news had a major impact on the American zeitgeist, and potentiallygasp!on the election's outcome.  The peddlers of fake news were convenient scapegoats for why the mainstream media's predictions were so spectacularly wrong; too many were duped by these faux news scoundrels into voting for Trump.

However, when scrutinized, fake news sites' influence was minimal and the overblown moral panic over it was unjustified.  On the contrary, far more insidious than phoney fringe news sites is the fake news knowingly or unwittingly reported as truth by the mainstream media itself.  The public is much more susceptible to being duped by this type of fake news.  News outlets tend to echo each other's false narratives, resulting in ubiquitous reporting of fiction as fact, which then leads to a major swaying of public opinion, sometimes with violent consequences.

After the election, the press presumed there was a sudden spike in hate crimes due to Trump normalizing racial hatred.  But upon further inspection, many of these supposed hate crimes  turned out to be threadbare yarns.  A Reason article revealed that many of the supposed acts of hateful vandalism proliferating after Nov. 8 were perpetrated by left-wing activists or juvenile delinquents carrying out false flags or pranks.  Just one of countless examples was the supposed outbreak of hate crimes in Ottawa that turned out to be a lone teenager (perhaps inspired by media reports of fake hate crimes) spray-painting swastikas and racial slurs on mosques, churches and synagogues.  Of course these acts of vandalism were repulsive, but they were a far cry from a gang of adult white nationalists crawling out of the woodwork, emboldened by a Trump presidency as the media wrongly suggested.

Another story widely reported by the mainstream media was the accosting of a Muslim woman by two white men wearing Trump hats.  This turned out to have never happened, yet news outlets ran with it.  This was just one of many stories that circulated on social mediawidely and unquestioningly reported by the mainstream mediaabout Muslims, blacks and gays being attacked by Trump supporters, which were debunked as hoaxes.  Journalists were so convinced Trump's victory was the catalyst for unleashing a wave of hate crimes across America that they began actively seeking out hate crimes to feed their confirmation bias, which only further encouraged hoaxers and stoked anger.

The above is not meant to minimize the importance of real and despicable hate crimes, but rather to point out that the media giving voice to bunk stories sparks fires.  Some of the attacks on Trump supporters and minorities were brought about by the mainstream media's witless reporting on a spike in hate crimes.  It's a self-fulfilling prophecy when the media energetically reports a phoney spate of attacks and hatred levelled against minority groups that inevitably some mercurial individuals become enraged enough to retaliate to the ruses.  That is what happened when a hostile group dragged a Trump supporter from his car and beat him.  That is what happened when four impressionable teens, citing their hatred of Trump supporters, kidnapped and tortured a young man with special needs.  And these were just two of the most extreme examples of people being targeted for verbal and physical assault for being Trump supporters.  As much as the mainstream media blamed fake news for a gunman holding up a pizzeria, the real press is far more effective in stoking violence and hatred within the public with its own fake news.

But reporting of ruses as real events, which smeared Trump supporters as violent racists, didn't just begin after the election.  Controversial right wing activist and mudraker James O'Keefedismissed by many journalists because of his organization's funding from the Trump Foundation and former arresthad undercover reporters infiltrate and catch Democratic National Committee-contracted political operatives admitting to plotting protests and inciting violence at Trump rallies.  Even the New York Times reported on this bombshell.  The revelation revealed that violence at Trump rallies, like the riot in Chicago, were (at least partly) funded and orchestrated by Democrat groups.  The mainstream media for over a year had been reporting these protests as organic and that Trump supporters seemed prone to violence.  But now it appears to be manufactured by political operatives.  And now in another video released by O'Keefe the Monday before inauguration, it appears organizations were planning to use illegal and violent tactics to disrupt celebrations.

When the media makes broad generalizations about Trump supporters being by-and-large racist and violent by reporting fake news about them as fact, other people, misinformed and misled, become hateful and resentful of their fellow citizens, leading to more confrontation.

If the press wants to combat this new "post-truth" world swirling in rumours, hoaxes and innuendo, where Trump lies routinely with his "alternative facts", the mainstream media must resist the increasing urge in a 24/7 hyper-ephemeral news cycle to report first, ask questions later.  Reporting false stories that Trump supporters are racist and violent, committing hate crimes across America, only further erodes the press's record low credibility.  The media must do a better job of discerning fact from fiction.  Otherwise Trump's crack"You're fake news!"will stick.

Written by Graeme C. Gordon

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Faced with doom, it's no surprise Canadian media have turned to government to keep them from oblivion.

Looking for answers on how to save legacy journalism, and by extension democracy, the Public Policy Forum released last week their report Shattered Mirror.  Given this task by the federal government, it's no surprise the big ticket recommendation is the creation of a "Future of Journalism and Democracy Fund," a $100-million pot of cash handed out by a board an arm's length from the government.

Pinning our collective hopes on the government to keep the news business afloat puts the entire industry on dubious ground.

There's no way to get around the fact the media's survival would become reliant on the same government it's supposed to cover.  There's a lot to favour in a government you're afraid will pull the rug out from underneath you.

Let's assume for a second the board of the Future Fund would really be separate from government.  The way the report suggests media companies qualify for handouts leaves the door open to plenty of problems.

The first hurdle is making only those doing "civic-function journalism" eligible for assistance.  The authors write how civic-function journalism is part of the foundation of a well-functioning democracy.  But they never quite define what, exactly, this civic-function journalism is.  They give a decent general outline, saying it's the "coverage of public institutions, public affairs and community."  But it's in the specifics where these things get sticky.

For example: is this column performing a civic function?  I'd say so.  Sure, it's an opinion piece, but it's a riff on possible public policy.  But, there's probably someone who would argue this doesn't provide enough of the civic function.  Have I produced enough new content in here?  Done enough original reporting?  Hard to say.

Where the line is matters, but the line isn't drawn.

The other mechanism requires a change in the tax code to put digital and print publications on a level playing field.  Right now, if you're a business buying advertising, it's a tax-deductible expense in certain cases under Section 19, according to the report.  If you're buying an ad in a Canadian newspaper or on a Canadian broadcaster, you can claim that as an expense.  But if you try and buy an ad in an American newspaper or on a U.S. TV station, it isn't.  That doesn't apply online.  All ads, bought within or outside Canada, are eligible for tax deduction.

The report proposes closing that loophole to incentivize advertisers to buy Canadian.  To qualify as Canadian media, an outlet would have to have a certain percentage of staff in Canada, managed by a certain percentage of Canadians, producing a certain percentage of content about Canada.  CanCon for your news, essentially.

The thing is, once your media company has qualified as Canadian under this newly amended Section 19, you're also eligible to receive all sorts of goodies, including cash from the Future Fund.

So while defining what is and isn't civic-function journalism would probably be left up to the board of the Fund, the tax code is still under the purview of the government.  And if eligibility for the Fund is predicated on qualifying under the tax code, the money media companies are receiving isn't at an arm's length at all.

Once seen in that light, it becomes a lot easier to see how a free press all of a sudden becomes a little less free, and a little more dependent on the government for survival.  As that relationship grows, the civic-function the Shattered Mirror authors spend so much time extolling will only whither away.

Someday, maybe a minister is going to be displeased with the coverage they're getting, and will demand a news outlet stop, or risk losing their funding.  It's even more likely it will never come to that.  Instead, when a story comes up sure to anger a government, maybe it just doesn't get published.  Every story will become a balance between journalistic ethics, and outright survival.

And when ethics come in conflict with survival, it's not often ethics win.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


News on Wednesday that Justin Trudeau had decided to break his promise that 2015 would be the last election under First-Past-the-Post was met by the expected howls of indignation from NDP and Green parties.  The reason, Trudeau stated in the updated mandate letter for newly minted minister of democratic institutions, Karina Gould, was that a clear preference for a new electoral system had not been made, nor was there any kind of consensus, and there was no clear question by which to hold a referendum.  Henceforth, changing the electoral system was no longer in her mandate.

In the face of angry denunciations in Question Period following the announcement, Trudeau stated that without any consensus on a system, this was not the right time to move forward on it.  And while everyone tuts that this is him breaking a "major" electoral promise, let me state unequivocally that sometimes, breaking a bad promise is the right thing to do, and this was without a doubt, a really bad promise.

Let's go back to when it was made.  It was summer of 2015, before the election had been called, the Liberals were still polling in third place, and Justin Trudeau summoned the media to the Chateau Laurier where he unveiled a package called "A Fair and Open Government" which contained 33 different items, ranging from improved access to information, free votes, Senate and Supreme Court of Canada appointments, and strengthening Elections Canada.  The promise to "make every vote count" was one item buried in the middle of it.  It wasn't highlighted or made prominent in any way.  It was also phrased with a caveat baked right in, that everything would be studied and considered.

"We are committed to ensuring that 2015 will be the last federal election conducted under the first-past-the-post voting system.  As part of a national engagement process, we will ensure that electoral reform measures such as ranked ballots, proportional representation, mandatory voting, and online voting are fully and fairly studied and considered.  This will be carried out by a special all-party parliamentary committee, which will bring recommendations to Parliament on the way forward, to allow for action before the succeeding federal election.  Within 18 months of forming government, we will bring forward legislation to enact electoral reform."

While the language of "making every vote count" is civically illiterate nonsense and the rallying cry of sore losers every vote already counts it's also important to remember that this was also an era where the accepted wisdom among pundits that we were in for an age of perpetual Conservative governments so long as the Liberals and NDP remained separate parties, and that they needed to "unite" in the same way the right side of the political spectrum did to form the modern Conservative party.  This is part of the sentiment that the Liberals were responding to when they made this promise.  Oh, and there was also no consensus within the party about what reform looked like.  Trudeau personally favoured ranked ballots, but former leadership candidate Joyce Murray favoured proportional representation, and Stéphane Dion had written a proposal for multi-member ridings that would have resulted in some form an a single-transferable ballot system.

It was a bad promise, made without considering the consequences.  It didn't need to be made given the scope and breadth of all of their other reform promises, and it would also have been nearly impossible to fulfill.  It also had the very real possibility of undermining Trudeau's ability to govern for the next three years, leading up to the election, as any objections would be met by "You've admitted that your government isn't legitimate because you only got 39 percent of the vote."  (Never mind that the 39 percent figure is a logical fallacy and doesn't actually exist, but that would be the talking point).  This would only get worse as the election drew closer, as parliament would be further bogged down in not only the implementation of the new voting system, and the inevitable howls that each party was self-dealing in the process.

And then there was the question of the referendum that the Conservatives demanded as part of the process.  If there is anything that Trudeau has become quite wary of in the wake of Brexit, the first Colombia peace agreement, and the proposed constitutional reforms in Italy, it's that referenda are dangerous things in an era of heightened populist sentiment

"It would be irresponsible to do something that harm's Canada's stability," Trudeau said in QP on Wednesday, and he's not wrong particularly as the government has its hands full dealing with the fallout of the Trumpocalypse to the south, and having electoral reform consume the time and attention of Parliament would be a drag on their ability to deal with what's going on, particularly if he undermined his own legitimacy by agreeing with the sentiments behind the drivers of reform.

And then comes the debate about whether politicians should always keep promises, even then they're bad ones.  Is it worse that Trudeau and his minister have made the decision to smother this promise now, a little over a year into his mandate, admitting that this wasn't a wise policy to pursue at this time given the gong show results of the Electoral Reform special committee?  Or would it have been better for him to drag this out and carry on the fiction of coming to some kind of compromise on the file over the next three years when that was a likely impossibility?  Perhaps it's best that we acknowledge that sometimes governments should break bad promises, but also ensure that they own up to the fact that it was a bad promise to make in the first place.  Will it cost him some votes?  Maybe, but this isn't a burning issue for most Canadians.  And given that the system actually isn't broken, not moving ahead with reform is the right thing to do.

Editorial Cartoon: Jeff Burney

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Tracking the PCPO's screw-ups and their attempts to cover up those screw-ups is getting a little boring, so I think I'll shift my focus to the more technical aspects of Ontario politics until something more interesting happens.

Because the quality of Queen's Park journalism is disgustingly low, worse than even your average Canadian Journalism, you could be forgiven for not understanding exactly how the Ontario Liberals cling to power beyond "The Opposition just sucks that badly", and while that is certainly true it doesn't tell the whole story.

Thus it falls to me to explain the ways that the Ontario Liberals manage to clear the very low bar that has been set for them the specific manipulative tricks they play that escape most people's notice, beyond blaming everything on Mike Harris.

Keep It Boring!

Here's the biggest problem with Justin Trudeau's recent highly partisan, data mining, self promotional barnstorming tour from an Ontario Liberal perspective: It shines a light in inconvenient places.

What, an Ontario Liberal would say, is gained by lancing the boils?  Who benefits from having Kathy Katula's emotional plea for hydro relief broadcast all over the province for the people to see?

From an Ontario Liberal perspective there is no choice but to go forward and not backward.  Yes it's very sad that people's hydro bills are as high as their mortgage payments in some cases, but these orders come from the Very Top.

And so they will cite other jurisdictions who have made similar adjustments and where the world didn't end, and talk about how times are tough all around, but in truth the better course of action is to just not talk about the problem at all.

It's A Conservative Media Conspiracy!

Like most political people in this country, Ontario Liberals consume far, far more American news than Canadian news.  They also get their tactics drip-fed to them by the Democrats, to the point where they just blindly do whatever they're told without stopping to consider whether it makes sense.

In an unguarded moment, an Ontario Liberal may let fly with a comment about how corporate friendly, conservative-leaning Canadian news is responsible for whatever bad press the party is getting.  This tactic works quite well because most people aren't quick enough to reply that these conservative papers draw the least money a fact that the same Ontario Liberal knows and likely often uses to make fun of those same papers.

We're The Government Your Facts Are Wrong

When you are the government, you have all the facts and data at your disposal.  When you're not the government, you don't.  Therefore (goes the faulty logic) when the government says you're wrong, you are.  Every time.

No, Ontario's hydro bills are not the highest in North America.  No, the debt is not as bad as (insert whatever jurisdiction the PCPO is comparing it to this week).  No, Ontario's Liberal government has done absolutely nothing corrupt or wrong or in the least bit suspect, and they have FACTS that prove this.

This of course presupposes that the government is comprised of metahumans who make mistakes with less regularity than the rest of us, and, further, that the government has no reason to distort or twist the facts in any way.

If you've ever actually sat down and watched Question Period at Queen's Park, you'll know that the government defends itself not only with FACTS but also with a high-handed tone that shames the questioner for daring to question those FACTS.

No Nitpick Too Small

Perhaps you made a typo in your tweet, or got a date wrong in your question, or addressed your inquiry to the wrong Liberal MPP.  It doesn't matter.  An error or oversight, no matter how small, means you have "lost all credibility."

Rather than the government being held to a higher standard than those it serves, it's everyone else who gets called out for falling short.  On the rare occasion that a Journalist asks an inconvenient question of the government, they get their "objectivity" called into question.  It's always fair game to ask whether the critic is in the pockets of Big Whatever or Whoever, or if they are just "astroturfing" when they claim to speak on behalf of citizens or taxpayers.

I've seen this government send out flyers claiming the PCPO has no business criticizing the handling of public finances because one of their members once expensed a coffee and a donut at Tim Horton's.  If a quasi-governmental organization goes off the rails, they find evidence of involvement in that organization by a PC-affiliated person and the scandal deflates like a popped balloon.  Release a picture showing the PCPO tour bus idling, claiming that it shows the opposition's disregard for climate change?  Sure, why not.

I really hope I'm not making the OLP look like political geniuses here.  These lame tricks really do only work because the opposition allows themselves to be steamrolled by them.  Tune in next time when I go over why the PCPO allows themselves to repeatedly be made fools of by their Liberal counterparts.

Written by Josh Lieblein

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


There has been no shortage of pearl-clutching over the past week when John Ivison penned a column in the National Post decrying that the government was being "forced" to make some changes to their upcoming budget to placate the peccadillos of certain Senators in order to get their bills passed.  While most of the reaction to this column has been overwrought and required both fainting couches and smelling salts, it is nothing less than the culmination of what happened when Justin Trudeau took the decision to boot his senators from caucus.

Let me start off by saying that this is not some undemocratic grab for power by unelected senators, and this is not some terrible affront to our system of government.  Anyone who tries to flog this particular talking point is being a giant drama queen, and are generally trying to push their own agenda of Senate abolition.  In fact, this is pretty much par for the course in how politics operates deal-making and horse-trading are the lifeblood of how things work.  There is nothing nefarious or illegitimate about this.  It's a simple fact.  What we're seeing here is nothing more than the fact that such conversations have been from behind the caucus room door to behind the closed doors of individual senators' offices.  And yes, senators have the legitimacy of having been appointed by a government that has the confidence of the Chamber.  It's called Responsible Government.  That is how things work in our system.

We know that this problem stems back to Trudeau's great Senate expulsion.  While he talked a good game about how this made the chamber more "independent," it was a decision that had a number of other consequences, not the least of which was that it centralized that much more power in his own office.  Why?  Because senators, with their longer tenure, are the institutional memory of Parliament.  MPs tend to turnover fairly quickly, sometimes on the order of every five years, while most senators tend to be around for ten to fifteen, and many of those had some kind of political experience beforehand.  When they were in the caucus room, they could use that experience to advise as to whether things had been tried and failed before, but they could also warn MPs when the leadership was treading too much on their rights and privileges.  Without senators in the room to advise and warn, the leader has a much easier time of overstepping their authority.  Some long-time MPs might object, but they might also hold their tongues for fear of not having their nomination papers signed.

It was also traditional that senators made their influence felt most greatly behind the closed doors of the caucus room, arguing for policy changes out of the public eye, which could look like they were doing less in the chamber or committees when the issues particularly to their own party's positions went against their own sensibilities.  It isn't true that they were doing less, but the perception is out there.  This is especially true when their party is in power, and there is the desire to show solidarity among the ranks.  It makes it all the more important to be able to have those conversations in the caucus room.

Expelling senators and moving those conversations out of the caucus room has its consequences, which aren't necessarily for the better.  Not only does it keep the longer-term perspective out of the caucus room, but by moving to cut deals with individual senators also removes any kind of accountability for those deals, which would normally have been made inside the room with other witnesses and with those who could hold the leader to account (as much as is possible given our current bastardized system of leadership selection and removal) for promises made and either kept or broken.  By ensuring that deals are kept from prying eyes, that check on the power is gone, which again allows it to be more centralized in the leader's office, something that there is already too much of.

To be clear, there is nothing wrong or undemocratic about deal-making. Politics is deal-making, and in a way, that's how our current system of "big tent" parties has managed to keep Canada from developing fringe elements that have any political clout.  In order to ensure that the party has the ability to draw from different regions and segments of society, it forces them to bargain internally to come up with policy packages that will resonate around the country and not alienate any one region or demographic unduly because you want to reach as many voters as possible.  It's why regional parties and narrowly ideological parties don't survive long they simply have no ability to get power or sustain a movement in a way that can get them to power in a country as large and regional as ours is.  Having senators in the party and caucus was just one more ingredient to the horse-trading that kept the party responsive.  It's also one of the reasons why there are real concerns that our system of "big tent" parties will disintegrate under a proportional representation system where there is no longer the impetus to water down any policies to make them appeal more broadly, when they hope to cut enough deals as part of a coalition to more narrowly hold onto regional or ideological interests.

So, is it a problem that the government is looking to cut deals with senators?  Yes, absolutely, but only because of the way in which it allows the PMO to keep power even more centralized because any deal-making is done away from the broader caucus or party membership.  But is the finance minister cutting individual deals with all 42 unaffiliated senators?  No, absolutely not, so let's all just take a breath.  In time, however, this may cause us to re-examine the wisdom of demanding that we abolish parties in the Senate.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Can Ryan ride the new populist, nationalist and anti-establishment wave that's sweeping through western democracies from a socialist perspective?

TORONTO, Ont. /Troy Media/ The world has understandably been consumed by U.S. President Donald Trump's first days in office.  Controversial decisions, including renegotiating trade deals and stricter rules for immigration, have created a tsunami-like media frenzy.

Yet while so many were engulfed by a range of Trump-sparked emotions from total angst to partial schadenfreude, other intriguing news stories were occurring one of them in Canada.

Former labour union leader Sid Ryan is considering a run for the federal New Democratic Party leadership.  This is partially due to the response to a website (www.sidryanforndp.ca) posted last week by some of his supporters.  Endorsements ranged from former federal and provincial NDP politicians and candidates, to current party members and union activists.

The former Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE) Ontario and Ontario Federation of Labour president said during a Jan. 23 interview with the Globe and Mail's Gloria Galloway that the website's creators "have put together a platform that reflects the values and the principles that I fought for."  With this in mind, "I am giving it consideration" because there is "a real opportunity for a party of the left that goes back to its socialist roots and starts to articulate those kinds of policies."

He has a point.

I've known Ryan for years.  He's an intelligent and engaging person.  We've appeared on TV panels together and chat every so often.  (Most conversations relate to our shared interest in a U.K. soccer team, Liverpool FC, rather than politics.)  In spite of our ideological differences, we get along and have always had, as he correctly noted on Twitter recently, "principled disagreements."

Ryan is, in many ways, one of the few remaining socialist lions in Canada.  He strongly supports the working class and labour unions.  He champions the poor and downtrodden.  As well, he has more than a casual distrust of big business, capitalism and the free-market economy.

His views and values would have perfectly fit in the NDP's predecessor, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation.  They would have also blended in nicely with the manifestos of former party leaders like Tommy Douglas and David Lewis.

Alas, Ryan's socialist principles don't necessarily mesh with the NDP's social democratic values.

The NDP was one of the few socialist/social democratic parties to reject the Third Way, which modernized progressive politics and led to successful politicians such as former U.K. prime minister Tony Blair.  Yet, it did shift under the two most recent party leaders, Jack Layton and Tom Mulcair.  They both understood that the NDP needed to work within the global marketplace, support fair trade and small doses of capitalism, and defend small business and the middle class.

So Layton and Mulcair toned down the rhetoric of socialism (which historically opposes the social order) and increased the reach of social democracy.

If Ryan chooses to run, his strategy would be the opposite.  He would attempt to ride the new populist, nationalist and anti-establishment wave that's sweeping through western democracies, albeit on the back of an old, left-wing political philosophy.

It would likely end up being a similar campaign model to the one employed by Bernie Sanders, the 75-year-old "democratic socialist" Vermont senator who threw Hillary Clinton for a loop during the Democratic presidential primaries.

Could it work in Canada?

There are various pitfalls.  Ryan has run for political office five times and never won.  (Then again, John Diefenbaker lost on multiple occasions but eventually became prime minister.)  He has his share of friends and rivals within the NDP and labour movement.  His political views are old-fashioned and may not appeal to modern left-wingers.  He's also made some critical comments about Israel that got him into hot water.

Regardless, it would be foolish for anyone to dismiss him.

If there's one thing we can learn from Trump's stunning victory, it's to expect the unexpected in today's political landscape.  Sid Ryan as federal NDP leader would certainly fit the bill.

Troy Media columnist and political commentator Michael Taube was a speechwriter for former prime minister Stephen Harper.

© 2017 Distributed by Troy Media

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.