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It's still kind of hard to believe that Donald Trump is actually the president of the United States.

But, there he is, traipsing around the Middle East, meeting with Saudis and Israelis and generally not screwing things up entirely.  He hasn't thrown up at a state dinner, or tried to exit a press conference through an ornate but very locked door.

Sure, his wife seems uncomfortable having physical contact with him, and his takeaway from the Israeli Holocaust museum seems better suited for a post on a summer camp's Facebook page than a memorial for millions people slaughtered by Nazis.  But, Trump managed to read a speech to Arab leaders without falling over, and his time spent caressing a glowing orb didn't open a portal into the hellscape mind of Hieronymus Bosch.

Which is impressive, in the sense an drunken oaf stumbling into midday traffic and emerging safe on the other side is impressive.  You respect the man's luck and timing, but wonder when he tries it next time whether it will turn out quite so well.

Trump's visit to Israel could have been a complete disaster, for example.  It had just come to light Trump had revealed intelligence gathered by the Israelis on ISIS to the Russian government.  But, even with that hanging in the air, it went…fine?

"Just so you understand, I never mentioned the word or the name Israel in conversation.  Never mentioned it," Trump told the gathered press at one point.  "They are all saying I did.  Never mentioned the word Israel."

Which wasn't really the problem with the intelligence sharing story.  But, while it was super awkward for everyone in the room, it didn't make things that much worse.  Which is progress!

This brings us to the end of this week, where Trump will meet the heads of NATO, an defence alliance he's dismissed as "obsolete" and then un-dismissed some time later as "no longer obsolete."  (What changed in the interim was never entirely clear, but most likely boils down to he became president and learned what NATO actually was.)

There are plenty of ways this could go badly for the president, then by extension literally everyone.

The biggest problem is that Trump has a notoriously short attention span, and seems to get irritated when he's bored.  A meeting with a bunch of European leaders and diplomats is the worst place for someone of his disposition to end up.  Especially several time zones out of his comfort zone after several days abroad.

Things could be particularly perilous for Canada.  One of Trump's main complaints about NATO is that countries aren't pulling their weight.  Right now, Canada spends about one per cent of its GDP on the military.  Back in 2006, member nations agreed to spend two per cent of their country's GDP on defence.  That was a commitment they reiterated in 2014, when countries that weren't meeting the threshold — that includes us — promised to make up the difference by 2024.

Whether Trump actually understands the nuances of this pledge — it's not out of the question he believes the U.S. is simply owed a pile of cash — the Canadian government makes for a ripe target.

Not only is Canada failing to meet the two per cent threshold, but we're failing in spectacular fashion.  For one, our shipbuilding plans are trending slowly towards debacle, as delays and vendor complaints start piling up.  (Is this a bad time to plug a story I wrote on how Canada acquired its first submarines?)

More importantly in this instance, though, is the utter disaster of the government's attempts to replace our aging fighters.  Things have been bad for quite some time on this front, but this week they reached a new disaster point.

After punting the decision on what to permanently replace the CF-18 fleet with, the government said it would buy a small contingent of Super Hornets from the American firm Boeing.  Then, last week, the government threatened to cancel that order if the U.S. supported a Boeing trade complaint against Montreal's Bombardier.

All the elements are here for, at the very least, a quality Twitter meltdown.  A Canadian government meeting only half of its promised defence commitment has just threatened to spurn an American aerospace company — one that's gone out of its way to be nice to Trump â€” over a trade issue.

It could all go fine, of course.  But things have been too quiet for a while now, we're due for a tantrum.  If we're lucky, Canada won't be in the room where it happens. 

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


After months of pre-campaigning, NDP Ontario Deputy Leader Jagmeet Singh finally joined the federal NDP leadership race last week.  The field is now probably complete: Singh will face MPs Charlie Angus, Guy Caron, Peter Julian and Niki Ashton and probably former Veterans Ombudsman Pat Stogran, if the latter is successful in raising the funds and getting the signatures necessary to become an official candidate.

These conditions should be met easily by Jagmeet Singh, a charming and friendly person, highly popular in his riding of Bramalea-Gore-Malton and in Toronto's trendy circles.  He has an impressive and diverse following on social media, built on youth and diversity.  He proudly claims his Sikh culture, wearing turban and kirpan.

Singh is a bit of a mainstream media darling, especially with the Toronto Star.  His team has used that to his advantage, generating interesting coverage with countless pieces speculating about his potential candidacy, while other stories showcased his personal style and his tailored suits, giving an NDP twist to Justin Trudeau's "cool & hip" formula .

His charisma is undeniable.  His launch was colorful.  He was supported by an enthusiastic crowd, electrified by his speech, maybe even by his mere presence.  However, he chose to make this long-awaited launch in his backyard, at the Bombay Palace in Brampton.  He would have sent a better signal of his growth potential by launching his campaign in Montreal, Vancouver or even downtown Toronto, as Charlie Angus did during a rock concert.

For now, the question remains: can Jagmeet Singh translate his home-base popularity elsewhere in the country?  Can his charisma work in Quebec, for instance?

The guy is good communicator and his french is good enough.  His first message to Quebecers?  He, too, comes from a minority and, as such, affirms that he can understand Quebecers' concerns.  It's a start.

Singh's Quebec team relies on Willy Blomme, a director at the Broadbent Institute, and Mylène Freeman, a defeated NDP MP for the riding of Argenteuil-Papineau-Mirabel.  For the time being, no member of the NDP's Quebec caucus is with Singh.

This is however also the case for the other candidates, with the notable exception of Peter Julian.  The former NDP House Leader is supported by five Quebec MPs, including two heavyweights: Mulcair's Quebec Lieutenant Alexandre Boulerice and Quebec caucus Chair Robert Aubin.  In other words, excluding candidate Guy Caron and the current Leader, Thomas Mulcair, there are nine Quebec MPs up for grab.  Convincing them to join his campaign might be a challenging task, as several MPs, still bruised by the impact of the niqab on the NDP's Quebec campaign in 2015, are very skeptical at the arrival of a leader wearing ostentatious religious symbols.

Are Singh and his team ready to face the painfully predictable questions about his Sikh faith and its impact on his policies, or on a possible NDP government?  Anyone who knows Quebec's history and its commitment to secularism, arising from the "Grande Noirceur", also understands the complexity of the issue.  And knows, at the same time, the dangers arising from the explosive and harmful mixture created too often by political discourses intended to stir up xenophobia by appealing to the identity reflex not to mention the virulence of some strident media.

It should be pointed out, however, that nobody seemed to care when Stephen Harper was using his "God Bless Canada" to conclude his campaign speeches.  And the crucifix still stands in the Salon Bleu of the National Assembly.  Obviously, "other" religions are often more visible…

In English Canada, however, the reflex is too often to emphasize some intolerant, even racist, slippage and to ignore a fundamental fact: more than three-quarters of Quebecers firmly believe that a person in a position of authority should not wear religious symbols.  Two-thirds believe that a ban on religious symbols should actually apply to all workers in the public sector.  In the rest of Canada, the proportion is lower in both cases.  But it is not exactly the opposite, notwithstanding what the famous Laurentian elite would like to suggest.

When the Parti Québécois unveiled its so-called Charter of Values and then called an election, too many analysts and strategists from English Canada made the simplistic calculation that the Charter was the reason for the defeat of the PQ at the hands of Philippe Couillard's PLQ .  The same people very often are quick to declare that Justin Trudeau's victory clearly demonstrates that the niqab was not a factor in the election, since the Liberal leader won, even though he had essentially the same position as Thomas Mulcair.

But nothing is farther from the truth.  At the provincial level, the pro-charter vote was divided between the PQ and the CAQ while the Liberals were gathering all anti-Charter votes.  Couillard's party also benefited greatly from Pierre-Karl Péladeau's raised fist and his call for a referendum.  At the federal level, the Conservative Party and the Bloc Québécois were shooting bullets relentlessly at the NDP about the niqab, ignoring the Liberal Party that was trailing behind at the time.  When the turmoil dissipated, the NDP had lost too much support and Justin Trudeau had become the de facto pan-Canadian alternative to replace Stephen Harper, the real driving force of that election.

If he wants to become prime minister, Jagmeet Singh will have to propose a solution to this complex problem.  Because Quebec is essential if the NDP is to aspire to government, just as it was for Jack Layton to become leader of the official opposition in Ottawa.  There is no other path for the NDP, and the goal of forming government must remain at the heart of the vision of a serious and modern party.

Although Stephen Harper proved otherwise, winning three elections without major support from Quebecers, star candidate Kevin O'Leary preferred to withdraw in favour of Maxime Bernier when he came to the conclusion that he would not be in a position to advance the Conservative Party in Quebec.  O'Leary, like Singh, was not well known in Quebec.  And if Maxime Bernier's momentum materializes, Jagmeet Singh will face three federal leaders from Quebec in the next election.  This is a significant additional hurdle for the Queen's Park MPP.

The NDP leadership race should now shift into third gear, just before going on cruise control for the summer.  Singh's opponents are a step ahead and have the advantage of having a good knowledge of the federal scene.  For now, Charlie Angus seems to have the momentum: he has accumulated twice as much money as the other three official candidates.  Angus, a punk rocker with big heart, is therefore in good position to become the main opponent to the newcomer.  He could try to channel a counter-opposition movement in the face of the undeniable enthusiasm generated by Singh's candidacy among some New Democrats.

The kind of enthusiasm that can generate waves.  But that, in the end, can also lead to backwashes.

Photo Credit: Toronto Star

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


We've had two instances of lefty-on-lefty crime in as many weeks, and in both cases, conservatives (despite having no dog in either fight) enthusiastically and loudly picked a side, as if there was something to be gained by them from doing so.

If you haven't been paying attention lately, you missed conservatives rallying around the Toronto Star  of all newspapers because it wasn't doing enough to support the activism of Desmond Cole, a journalist and Black Lives Matter-affiliated activist who wrote for the paper until recently.

Trudeau puff-piece fashioner Jonathan Kay has also become a conservative hero of sorts after he resigned as editor of The Walrus magazine after a backlash which ensured after he defended another liberal, Hal Niedzviecki, who also resigned after he wrote that he didn't believe in cultural appropriation of First Nations culture but that there should be a prize for the best cultural appropriators or some other hastily written piffle.

If I haven't given these two situations their due consideration and context, it's because I unlike the liberals and associated conservatives who just HAVE to give their opinion on issues they know nothing about don't have the appropriate level of understanding and I'm not going to pretend that I do.

And even if I was somehow an expert on carding, or issues facing First Nations, I still wouldn't feel this overriding need to write about it in the pages of a newspaper.  Because I am a conservative, and unless I've misread the situation completely, there's not much conservatives can add to the discussion without being dismissed out of hand at best.

Truth be told, I can't see how any of the participants in either of these clusterkludges found themselves better off for having done so.  I don't know what they are trying to prove, or who they feel the need to prove it to.

Is the hope that Hal Niedzviecki or the editorial board of the Toronto Star will realize what fools they've been and spontaneously revert to writing about ballooning deficits and the folly of carbon taxes?

Do we start forming an exploratory committee for a Jon Kay Toronto mayoral bid for 2018?

Allegedly principled conservatives across the country are so desperate to hold back the left wing tide of terror that they are sacrificing themselves on the altar of anything or anyone who may have a fighting chance, from the Maxime Bernier campaign to the Patrick Brown experiment to the BC Liberals.

They are praying that a resistance to political correctness gone mad will spontaneously form.

But as Jon Kay's sad end demonstrates, there is little support out there for those who try to fight back or compromise.

So we conservatives can continue to put our faith and resources into lost liberal causes, or we can let the centrists reap the whirlwind that they have sown.

For after all, this mess is of their own making.  They're the ones who gave the radicals a platform in the first place.  Their attempts to impose progress when it wasn't called for opened the floodgates.

And now, as a result, more and more speech is being classified as unacceptable and deserving of censure.

So let us then be silent, and let the centrist meddlers wear their shame.  Let them come to us for a change, when their high position is threatened.

Photo Credit: National Post

Written by Josh Lieblein

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


For over three years, two successive governments have been looking to replace the federal Conflict of Interest and Ethics Commissioner.  Mary Dawson's initial term expired in 2014, and was given a three-year extension, the first of which expired in December and was renewed for another six months.  Those six months expire in July, and Dawson has stated that she is not interested in re-appointment.

The problem?  That the criteria for who a new Commissioner should be is extremely narrow.  In the zeal over recent years to go after the ethics files of successive governments, and to find unimpeachable Independent Officer of Parliament to do the work of going after said governments, the legislation stipulates that a future Ethics Commissioner must be a former superior court judge, or the head of a quasi-judicial tribunal that has expertise in conflicts of interest, financial arrangements, professional regulation and discipline or ethics.  That, or be a former Ethics Commission or Senate Ethics Officer, and oh, they need to be fully bilingual at the time of appointment on top of that.

Looking over these criteria, it's clear that Dawson, a former Associate Deputy Minister from the Department of Justice, wouldn't be qualified to fill her own current role, which is something that should probably be kept top of mind while we worry that there appears to be no new Commissioner in the offing.  After all, how many former bilingual judges are really out there?  Even expanding this to tribunal heads with relevant experience, it's still a vanishingly small number, and most of them would be of an age where they are likely looking forward to their retirement, or at the most, semi-retirement with some consulting work or part-time practice at a prestige law firm.  How many would really be looking for a seven-year term in a job where they will be constantly under the glare of the media, and harassed by self-appointed watchdog groups for whom nothing they do is ever good enough, especially if they are likely to be extended while the search for their replacement becomes as interminable as the process to replace Dawson has become?

Another problem is likely to be with the appointment process by which this government operates, which purports to be more open and transparent, but one that relies on self-selection instead of nomination.  This process has proven to be somewhat problematic with things like Senate appointments, where they get flooded with the requests of narcissists than they do with qualified individuals who think that they can contribute to public life in this particular fashion.  If the government process relies on self-nomination with such a tiny pool of qualified candidates, one has to wonder how many people are bothering to apply, as opposed to whether there was someone in the PMO who took the criteria and then went looking for a short-list to nominate something that might be easier given the small pool of candidates available for this position.

And then, as if that weren't enough, there is the politics of it all.  In recent weeks, with the nomination of Madeleine Meilleur for the position of Official Languages Commissioner, the focus in parliament has turned this kind of process into a toxic swamp of allegation and disingenuous concern for the sanctity of the process.  Because Meilleur had been a partisan Ontario Liberal and indeed a former provincial cabinet minister and had donated to the federal Liberals and indeed to Justin Trudeau's leadership campaign, the narrative is that she "bought" the position.  Daily in Question Period, the question is now what the price for the Ethics Commissioner appointment is, along with the suggestion that the appointment process is an "auction."  Never mind that the criteria for appointment are strict, so the very notion that the government is holding out for a bilingual former judge who is also a high-rolling party donor (in a country where political donation limits are quite small) makes no sense and is doing active disservice to the selection process.

Added to that, the sheer volume of politicking that surrounds the ongoing allegations of wrongdoing with respect to the prime minister's Christmas vacation to the Aga Khan's private island and the possible investigation that Mary Dawson may or may not be carrying out with regards to it complicates the situation even further.  Because Trudeau knew the optics of him choosing Dawson's replacement with this cloud hanging over him were bad, he turned over the management of that process to his House leader, Bardish Chagger, but this is not good enough for the opposition.  Instead, we have seen demands that the government wait for it appoint a former judge to oversee the process in a non-partisan fashion.

So, to be clear, the opposition wants a former judge to find a bilingual former judge to fill the position.  Because there's no possible way that there would be a perceived conflict of interest right there with someone nominating one of their peers from a very small pool.  But this is what mindless partisanship will get you (and this isn't even getting into the rank hypocrisy of the cries of the Conservatives, who appointed one of their own former cabinet ministers, Vic Toews, to the Manitoba Court of Queen's Bench).

With all of these factors in mind, we have to raise the very legitimate question of whether we will see any actual interest from that small pool of candidates to fill the position particularly if they will immediately be subjected to suspicion for the suggestion that they are simply being appointed to let Trudeau off of any of the investigations into his alleged misdeeds.  And if we aren't seeing any bilingual former judges or tribunal heads submitting their names to this job, does this mean what Mary Dawson will see her term extended again, and yet again, in perpetuity because nobody wants the job?  Given the way things are going, it's starting to feel like a very real possibility.

Photo Credit: Huffington Post

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


So, I don't know what the heck is going on in British Columbia.  I don't know who's going to be Premier two weeks from now or what the seat breakdown will be.  I don't know why Christy Clark declared victory, why John Horgan told his faithful to wait out the vote counting, and why there have been so many articles Andrew Weaver "holding the balance of power".

I do know this, however: unless the NDP wind up with a crushing majority which they probably won't Patrick Brown needs to start realizing how screwed he is.

Why?  Because the NDP should have won a crushing majority in this election.  This election should not have been too close to call, and it should not still be being decided.  The BC Liberals ran a horrific campaign that included their leader getting ambushed at a grocery store by an angry voter.  Throughout the campaign a narrative of the virtuous plucky union underdogs taking on a bunch of corrupt corporate lackeys who were Liberal in name only was allowed to develop.  News stories calling the BC Liberals out on their spin were published unanswered.

As a smug Ontarian watching all of this, my reaction was the same as it usually is watching a provincial election in a province other than my own: one of bemusement.  How delightfully quaint and precious, I thought.

If you are from BC or another province, you might be surprised to learn that no news organization would dare publish a story calling out the Ontario Liberals on their crap in the middle of an election.  The de facto response from the Ontario Liberals if this happens is to openly question that organization's integrity and professionalism and announce that if it happens again there will be no further access to cabinet ministers or the Premier.

If a voter would be so presumptuous as to actually tell the Premier of Ontario to his or her face that they think the government is doing a lousy job, Liberal campaign staffers would immediately as they did one time in Strathroy, Ontario during Election 2011 put their personal safety at risk to create a human shield around the Premier.

And let me be quite clear the very idea of a narrative developing during election time where a party is seen to have the government on the defensive is out of the question here in Upper Canada.  Sure, there are lots of embarrassing stories about Wynne now, but as soon the writ drops you won't be able to find a single column inch that doesn't list two Liberal positives to every one PC or NDP positive.

My point is don't talk to an Ontarian about BC's so called corporate media that favours the Liberals above all else and against all reasons.  Here, the powerful interests make sure ALL parties bend to their will, not just one.

This is a province where, in 2018, no party will campaign to ease restrictions on the beer monopoly.  Where no party will dare to offend the mighty teacher's unions or green energy lobbyists.  Where if either of the two opposition parties stray out of the narrowly defined message box even for a microsecond the entirety of #onpoli will rise up in righteous indignation and punish the offending party until that party's partisans will be afraid to even speak privately of whatever it was that caused the social media firestorm.

(If you doubt this, find a PC Party of Ontario staffer who kept their job after the last election and whisper "10,000 jobs!" when they don't expect it, and watch them spontaneously drop into a fetal position.)

Which brings me back to why our old friend P-Bizzle should be very, very concerned if a bunch of left coast socialists couldn't take down Christy Clark.

In his heart of hearts, Patrick no doubt wishes for a campaign like the BC NDP had, where they got lots of opportunities to get their message out and there were lots of own-goals by the government.  But it will not happen, and he knows it.

How do I know this?

Because a poorly kept secret is that Patrick's people are Christy Clark's people, and Christy Clark's people are Patrick's people.  The PC Party of Ontario and the Ontario Liberals too contract their services out to the BC Liberals at election time, just like they did during the 2014 election.

Yes, when an election call goes out in BC, the OLP and PCPO stop trying to kill each other and take a nice vacation to the West Coast together so they can clobber the NDP for a few weeks.  And while they are there, they talk.

Once those votes are counted out West, there aren't going to be too many surprises left for one party to spring on the other when they return.  Both likely know exactly what the others are really thinking, and when they resume the charade of pretending like one party wants to unseat the other, it'll be as clear as ever that it's all for show.

Written by Josh Lieblein

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


The only route to a better appreciation of the cultures in Canada is through exposure, questioning, expressing opinions even if those opinions are wrong

TORONTO, Ont. /Troy Media/ If there's ever going to be a watershed moment in protecting free speech in Canada, the recent controversy surrounding cultural appropriation could fit the role.

The story began in a rather innocuous manner.

Hal Niedzviecki, editor of Write magazine (the quarterly publication of the Writers' Union of Canada), wrote in a column, "I don't believe in cultural appropriation."  He stated, "Anyone, anywhere, should be encouraged to imagine other peoples, other cultures, other identities."  He also proposed there "should even be an award for doing so the Appropriation Prize for best book by an author who writes about people who aren't even remotely like her or him."

Niedzviecki was trying to be provocative in an issue specifically dealing with aboriginal writing.  It completely backfired and he resigned from his position.

Yet this piece in an obscure publication took on a life of its own.  Several columnists, including the National Post's Christie Blatchford, tackled it based on the premise of silencing different opinions.  The Walrus editor-in-chief Jonathan Kay also tweeted, "The mobbing of Hal Niedzviecki is what we get when we let Identity-politics fundamentalists run riot Sad & shameful."

Ken Whyte, former senior vice-president of public policy for Rogers Communications, took things a step further.  He made this proposal: "I will donate $500 to the founding of the appropriation prize if someone else wants to organize."  Several other media personalities joined in with donations.

While numerous people were mortified at this suggestion, they shouldn't have been.  I know Whyte and several others who piped in and they were obviously joking.  As is often the case today, there was a massive overreaction combined with a compelling need for some participants to apologize.

Kay resigned from his position last weekend, too.  Some speculated it was caused by the appropriation prize brouhaha, which he didn't participate in, but he told CBC News it "came out of a long-running difference of opinion about the direction of The Walrus we've been having for months."  Fair enough.

Various observers have argued this whole debate was a classic example of the insensitive nature of (most) white columnists/editors, and/or the lack of respect some Canadians have for the plight of the aboriginal community and other minority groups.

That's total rubbish.  The cultural appropriation controversy is entirely about free speech.

We're fortunate to have the freedom to discuss, debate and participate in a democratic society.  If a Chinese-Canadian journalist wants to write a piece about slavery, or a Christian wants to celebrate Hanukkah with Jewish friends, or a black artist wants to depict an Inuit family in an oil painting, he or she has always had that inherent right.

Yes, someone who belongs to a particular culture will likely have a better understanding of a specific issue than someone who doesn't.  Nevertheless, the only route to gaining a better appreciation of the different cultures in Canada is through regular exposure, asking questions and expressing opinions even if those opinions are wrong.

Placing restrictions on an individual's capacity to increase his or her knowledge in an area of thought and discussion is both arrogant and misguided.  These barriers help reduce intellectual curiosity; create higher degrees of frustration, resentment and, in some cases, hatred; and lead more people down the road of self-censorship and/or refusal to engage in conversations.

The right to free speech, therefore, can be seriously impeded by the blasphemous notion of cultural appropriation.

Fortunately, there are ways around this.  Speak with your family, friends, neighbours and associates in an intelligent and civil fashion.  Defend intellectual discourse as a societal virtue.  Take controversial positions, even if you have to take a few lumps.  Express opposing ideas in conversation and writing to increase our knowledge and understanding.

And, above all, don't ever let the cherished principle of free speech fall by the wayside.

Photo Credit: Bloomberg

Troy Media columnist and political commentator Michael Taube was a speechwriter for former prime minister Stephen Harper.

© 2017 Distributed by Troy Media

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


It's not an uncommon story in our Parliament, but one that we've seen play out again in recent weeks, and we're about to see play out yet again in the weeks to come.  That story is the tendency of MPs to avoid scrutinizing bills because of popular backlash, and instead, they offload that job onto the Senate.  After all, senators don't have to worry about re-election, so why not let them catch all of the abuse?

Where this is playing out right now is on Bill C-16, which deals with enshrining protections on the basis of gender identity and gender expression.  The bill sailed through the House of Commons with little debate, and in committee, it only heard from the justice minister and from department officials.  There were no voices from either supporters or dissenters, with the exception of a small number of written submissions.  Instead, when the bill was hastily handed to the Senate, it became incumbent for those senators to hear from the diversity of voices on the subject.

While most people think this bill should be a no-brainer and is in fact long overdue there are concerns raised from various corners, some of them socially conservative, others radical feminists, who think that the bill will have implications for free speech, or that by not referring to a trans person by their preferred pronoun (and most especially with those who prefer either a singular "they" or something like a "ze" or "zir") will somehow be criminalized.  They're wrong by any definition of what's in the bill, but these are pervasive attitudes that the lack of scrutiny in the House of Commons has completely glossed over.

The lack of substantive hearings on issues on the Commons side often leads to the Senate needing to pick up the slack, and there is a genuine sense of frustration from senators that I've spoken to that they are the ones who get left holding the ball.  And when it's a bill like this one, where there is a very committed activist community who want to see it pass, it means that when there are senators who have concerns that bring them to committee, things start to get nasty.  This has played out with C-16 over the past two weeks, with the witnesses that have been brought to committee.  Never mind that nearly every senator on the committee pushed back against the purveyors of disingenuous concerns or outright strawmen with regard to the bill the Senate as a whole was lambasted by the self-righteous over social media.

"Dear the Senate, This is why we don't take your seriously, Sincerely, Journalists," tweeted VICE's Justin Ling during some of those proceedings, apparently oblivious to the fact that Parliament has an obligation to hear from all sides so that there is a record, and since the Commons couldn't be bothered to do so, it was left up to the Senate.

Why does a record matter?  Because whenever legislation gets challenged in the courts and that happens quite a lot courts are usually left to try to determine what Parliament's intention was when they passed the bill.  If the arguments being put before them were thoroughly debunked in committee like these current ones are then the courts know that the issues have been addressed and can act appropriately.  And while the supporters of the bill may not like to hear what their detractors have to say, we do live in a democracy and views should be aired, especially so that they can be challenged (and they very well were in this particular case).

But while MPs shuffle off this work onto the Senate to avoid any blowback against themselves, most of us don't realize how exhausting this is for Senators who have legitimate inquiries about the bill but who are being attacked for simply asking questions.  But while they will admit to being frustrated and exhausted by having this dumped solely on them, some of these same senators will also acknowledge that they have sympathy for MPs who don't want to have to take on these touchy bills, and it's one of the reasons why we have an appointed upper chamber with tenure so that they can have the courage to ask tough questions when MPs can't.

But where does this leave our democracy if we can't trust our elected representatives to have enough intestinal fortitude to deal with tough issues?  I say that because this is a repeated pattern C-16 is only just the latest example.  There have been some pretty spectacular ones in recent history, such as the Federal Accountability Act in 2006, when the then-opposition Liberals spinelessly let their Senate counterparts handle all of the amendments to a very problematic piece of legislation because they didn't want to look like they were trying to avoid additional ethics burdens being placed upon them in the fallout of the Sponsorship Scandal.

In the current parliament, we've not only seen this level of abdication from the Commons with C-16, but we're also seen it with the national anthem bill (rammed through in order to see it passed before its sponsor, Mauril Bélanger, succumbed to his illness), and just this week, we're seeing it yet again with Rona Ambrose's bill on mandatory sexual assault training for new judges, which had no debate at second or third reading, and was studied at the status of women committee which treated it sympathetically instead of the at the justice committee, despite the fact that it deals with the justice system and will have an impact on judicial independence, which is a crucial component of our democracy.

If MPs are going to forgo their responsibilities of scrutiny and accountability because a bill is either popular or because asking questions on the subject matter is deemed too sensitive, then we have to ask ourselves about the value of the elected chamber when they keep fobbing off the hard work onto appointed bodies, whether it's the Senate, the Supreme Court of Canada, or independent Officers of Parliament.  What good is a democracy if our representatives are only there for the stuff that covers them in glory and not the hard work?

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Last week Trudeau's technocratic tinkering continued with Ottawa giving universities an ultimatum that they either ensure their distribution of federal academic grants better mirror Canada's demography or risk their research funding yanked.  Forget competition and meritocracy as the determinants in awarding funding, universities must now discriminate between things like skin colour and sex of applicants in deciding who should be awarded, all in the ironical name of equity.

One of the major reasons stipulated for this decree from upon high on Trudeau's Hill is that only 30 per cent of federal grant recipients are women.  Yet, does anyone really think that universities — in this safe space, social justice warrior climate — are still by-and-large discriminating against women?  Perhaps there is another, simpler explanation than patriarchal hegemony for the gap.

The Canada Research Chairs Program invests $265 million per year in university research in engineering and the natural sciences, health sciences, humanities and social sciences.  When breaking down the divvying up of these 2,000 annual research chairs into different categories of study, it turns out that 45 per cent are for the natural sciences and engineering, 35 per cent are for health sciences, and 20 per cent are for social sciences and humanities.  So 80 per cent of these research chairs are given to those in STEM fields.

Now let's look at the proportion of women and men who pursue a STEM education.  In 2011, the most recent numbers from Statistics Canada, men made up 60.9 per cent of STEM degrees from the ages of 25 to 34 (it's even more lopsided when older graduates are included).  In engineering and mathematics it was even more pronounced.  Men hold 76.4 and 69.6 per cent of degrees in these disciplines respectively.  When looking at those who attain masters and doctorate degrees in these disciplines, the concentration of men increases even more drastically.  Even the social sciences and humanities, now dominated by women, which only receives 20 per cent of the Canada Research Chairs, becomes more of an even split between the sexes in the share of doctorates.

So, we have a much higher percentage of men getting doctorate degrees in the fields of study given the lionshare of the Canadian Research Chairs.  Thus a similarly high percentage of recipients are also men.  Yet the government demands universities meet higher quotas of women recipients, raw numbers be damned; Trudeau's gender-equal cabinet all over again.

This is the inevitable problem underlying affirmative action.  You discriminate between people not based on actual achievement, but instead on things like race or sex, lowering the standards for some, and, in the process, unfairly raising the standards for others.  Of course the technocrat argues this double standard is necessary for the sake of encouraging more women into these careers they wouldn't otherwise feel welcome to pursue.  But anyone looking at how women are now the majority in fields like medicine and law can plainly see this argument is largely bunk, especially considering there are plenty of scholarship incentives to steer women towards pursuing male-majority fields.

The groundbreaking book Why Men Earn More (2005) by feminist Warren Farrel still rings true today and debunks the above myth, instead revealing how the sexes have general affinities towards different career paths.

Farrel's book dispelled the largely mythic gender wage gap the Trudeau government continues to perpetuate.

Farrel layed out 25 complex reasons why men earn more than women on average.  Although too numerous to list here, among the reasons: jobs ranked the worst (although usually paying above the average income) are male-dominated because women tend to avoid these undesirable or dangerous jobs; men are more likely to take financial risks that can yield high payoffs, while women generally prefer a more secure career; and men work longer paid hours on average than women, which can significantly increase income.  Farrel found as little as a 13 per cent increase in hourly work per week translated to whopping average of 45 per cent more annual income.

In Canada, Women work 35.5 hours a week on average compared to men working 41.1 hours on average.  The primary reason for this disparity is women still spend more time doing domestic work and raising children.  It's intellectually dishonest for Trudeau's government to conflate this major factor in the two sexes differences in earnings by blaming it on the so-called wage gap of women making 87 cents to the dollar of their male colleagues.  Trudeau's technocrats then justify tailoring bad policy to address the wage gap misnomer.

The Liberals' 2017 "gender-sensitive" budget devoted a whole section on "equal opportunity" for the genders, but it only attempts to address the problems of women.  In 2014 there were a total of 515,865 postsecondary graduates in Canada.  57.7 per cent of all graduates and 58.8 per cent of university graduates were women according to Statistics Canada.  Furthermore, 8.5 per cent of men ages 25 to 34 haven't graduated high school compared to 5.4 per cent of women.  Instead of addressing this growing disparity in education, Trudeau's government is exacerbating it by enhancing the Canada Student Loans Program, which the budget says "benefit[s] women in particular."  Beyond the folly of mainly investing in a surplus of superfluous liberal arts degrees, this government policy also completely ignores that men are underrepresented in the number of postsecondary graduates.

Trudeau's government also doesn't seem to care about its own sexism.  A Statistics Canada study revealed 71 per cent of the 4.1 million government public-sector workers are women, and half of the executive positions are now held by women, despite women only making up 47 per cent of the Canadian workforce as a whole.  The Liberal government has no qualms about its own unbalanced hiring of women over men for these premium jobs.

The tinkering Liberals also don't seem concerned in addressing the suicide rate of men being three times higher than that of women; the mass incarceration rates and deaths of indigenous men ("National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls"); men making up the vast majority of serious workplace injuries and fatalities; the often absurd pecuniary and parental custody punishments of many men in divorce courts; and major job losses predominantly affecting men in the downturn of the oil sands and manufacturing.

For obvious political purposes it makes sense for Trudeau's government to focus on women's issues, ignoring men's plights.  The 2015 election saw 68 per cent turnout of women voters compared to only 64.1 per cent of men, a disparity two percentage points higher than in the 2011 election.  Not to mention women tend to be more Liberal-leaning in the first place.  Hence Trudeau's broken record: "I'm a feminist."

Furthermore, reductionist talking points like the 87 cent wage gap build a powerful narrative that men in all realms of society just have it better off than women, and to raise any objections to this notion is to be cast as a misogynistic men's rights activist.

Recently second-wave feminist Camille Paglia was on CBC Radio cutting through today's feminist gospel that stubbornly overlooks the inherent differences between the two sexes, which cause likewise differences in outcomes.

"It's absolutely atrocious that we have gender studies, women studies programs and courses being taught without any reference whatsoever to biology… Most men have anywhere from 8 to ten times as much … testosterone than women have in their own bodies.  You don't think that is causing some differences in the brain, instincts, in the way we approach the world?" said Paglia to an incredulous host.

Unfortunately if the Liberal government continues to (willfully?) misdiagnose disparities between the sexes by tinkering in the name of feminism, while turning a blind eye to the (sometimes literally) grave problems of men, it's only a matter of time before more of the latter is languishing in more idleness, suicide and crime.

Written by Graeme C. Gordon

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


With 5 seats still in play, we won't know the final results of the BC election for at least another 10 days, but the courting of the Green Party by both Liberal Premier Christy Clark and New Democrat leader John Horgan has begun.  The last time British Columbians elected a minority government was in 1952.  There is no doubt that this result will go down in the history books.

If nothing changes, Andrew Weaver's side will hold the balance of power in Victoria.  It is unclear at this point what the Greens will do.  As things stand, the BC Liberals have 43 seats, one shy of a majority.  The NDP rose from 35 to 41 seats, but once again fell short of their objective of forming a government, despite having been in the lead in the polls at the beginning of the campaign.  The Greens elected 3 MLAs, confirming the party's relative strength in the province.

Despite the uncertainty, Christy Clark is insisting that her political party has won the largest number of seats and should therefore remain in power.  She downplayed the rise of the NDP and preferred to emphasize the good performance of the Greens: "What happened in this election is; the Greens doubled their vote, they tripled their representation.  That was a really strong message that the citizens of British Columbia sent us."   She went further: "People clearly wanted us to work together with other parties.  And they wanted to, in this case, certainly see the Greens play a much bigger role."  Translation: We love the Greens.  Our doors are wide open for the Greens.  Please keep us in power.

Christy Clark has a good relationship with Green Leader Andrew Weaver, with whom she worked with in the past.  She clearly thinks they can find some common ground, perhaps on banning US thermal coal from transiting through British Columbia for instance.

In fact, Weaver has quite the history of working with the Liberals.  During the election, Weaver spoke approvingly of Christy Clark, stating that "you can have a respectful disagreement in a one-on-one conversation and it's not personal."  In the same breath, he was lambasting John Horgan, for whom he reserved most of his attacks during the campaign.

Previously, Weaver introduced a bill in the legislature barring employers from requiring women to wear high heels on the job, with the enthusiastic support of Christy Clark.

Last year, Weaver was very vocal in his defence of Clark, when the Premier faced NDP questions about her $50,000 salary top-up from the Party challenges that ultimately led her to abandon the top-up, despite Weaver's arguments that the Premier should be paid more, and the bizarre theory that the NDP was motivated by "hatred".

The Green party's campaign chair Adam Olsen was also very clear about his views of the BC Liberal government:  "I'm not concerned about Christy Clark getting back in."  Indeed, in the Green Party's mindset, it is better for them politically to keep the Liberals in power than to open the door to an NDP government, with whom they should be much more align.

This despite the fact that 60% of British Columbians voted for a change of government.  It is certainly the spin provided by the NDP, as a springboard towards a possible early toppling of a Clark-led minority government and governing in place of the Liberals.

This is why, despite the campaign acrimony, NDP Leader John Horgan is also eager to talk with Andrew Weaver.  The NDP can certainly find affinities on a number of issues.  Housing, child care, increased tanker traffic and the Trans Mountain pipeline project.

Until the final results are known, and perhaps even after, you will hear John Horgan repeat that he does not want another campaign immediately.  But he will reiterate that 60% of BC voters want a change of government a government he would lead, of course.

Green party leader Andrew Weaver says his priority, and that of his two green colleagues, is to tackle political party funding methods in the province.  Despite his previous defense of Christy Clark's top up, the Greens want to eliminate big money from BC politics.  This is a good thing.  British Columbia has been described as the Wild West when it comes to political fundraising.  Weaver says it's a non-negotiable issue in order for his party to support one of the two main parties.  He is also pushing for proportional representation.

Campaign financing and electoral reform are Green Party policies that aligns most closely with the NDP agenda.  Not surprising, then, to hear John Horgan underline these issues once the polls were closed Tuesday night:  "British Columbians voted today to get big money out of politics," the NDP Leader told his supporters.  "British Columbians voted today for proportional representation," he added.

But don't count on a quick agreement between Horgan and Weaver.  During the campaign, Weaver was quite hard and downright personal in his portrayal of the NDP Leader.  "I want to work with him," said Weaver.  "I really do, and I've tried and I've continued to try, but he's got to control his temper," he said.

No such harsh words for Christy Clark.  Make of that what you want about what move the Green Party Leader will make next.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


LONDON—British Prime Minister Teresa May called a general election seeking to strengthen her hand as her country looks to exit the EU.  For an election of such supposedly high stakes, things here in London seem oddly languid.

It's odd, in the week I've been here, the subject of the election hasn't come up once.  Not in the pubs around Westminster, not as idle chatter in the Underground.  Not one scrap of overheard gossip has had anything to do with the election.  Not in Greenwich, not in Kew.  Not in Chelsea, and not in Hammersmith.  Not at Conrad Black's old haunt on the Isle of Dogs, nor in the cafe's in The City.

Not once while I've been out and about this week — excluding the stretches on the tube when I've taken a nap — have I overhead a breath of words like "Corbyn," or "Brexit," or "May," or even "election."

Which is a bit weird, yeah?

But it's a strange election to begin with.  A recent poll showed some 36 per cent of people who voted for the UK to stay within the European Union would vote Conservative in the election.  The contradiction there is hard to wrap my brain around.  That such a large chunk of the people who wanted to stay in the EU would back the party who wants to take the country out of the EU is, well, different.

Maybe this is because the British are tired of going to the polls.  It's been referendum, after election, after referendum, after election for several years running.  The attitude is probably best summed up by Brenda, who when told by a BBC reporter an election call was on the way, shifted quickly, and hilariously, from disbelief to exasperated dismay.

Then again, perhaps the malaise is the fault Labour Leader Jeremy Corbyn.

Corbyn's position flipped from flaccid support for Remain to pro-Brexit, but one that's better for the workers, fairly quickly.  So, it's a bit of a tough spot for him to be in now, fighting an election on the same side — but different — of the central issue.

But, on the other hand, he has promised to make hospital parking free.

Meanwhile, the Tories have to keep up the idea that an exit from the Euro Zone would be painless.  Which is a bit of a pickle, because that seems to be mostly a hope.

To illustrate this problem, look at May's business secretary, Greg Clark.  On Tuesday, Clark found himself bumbling around when pressed to explain how the government would cut the net migration to below 100,000, but not do any damage to the industries that rely on such skilled workers.  Clark contended that once Britain leaves the EU it will have full control over its migration, and will be able to make its own immigration policy.

The trouble here is the UK already has full control over immigration from places outside the EU.  And last year, the government — the Tory government, natch — brought in 162,000 skilled migrants, according to the Evening Standard.  Already blowing past the 100,000-person goal post.

No matter, the Tories still hold an enormous polling lead, and details like this haven't probed to be a stumbling block yet.

Which brings us back around to the lack of, well, anything about this election in the city.

The contrast seems striking compared to the din of doom the French election produced, as proto-fascist Marine Le Pen came remarkably close, considering, to the French presidency.

Now Britain is about to elect the government that will put them through the most consequential years this island nation has faced in many years.  Perhaps the saturation of "Keep Calm and Carry On" memorabilia and all it's many, many, many mutations have been taken too much to heart.  I'd expected to hear something by now, like the distant rumble of an approaching train as you press your ear to the rail.

With so much hanging in the balance, there's still time for things to pick up.  The election is still a month away.  But time grows short.  And whether it can be heard or not, the train approaches.

Photo Credit: The Telegraph

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.