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A full year before the 2015 Alberta election, an Insight West poll showed the Wildrose Party overwhelmingly leading in the voting intentions.  Across the province, 50% of decided voters were behind Wildrose, while the ruling Progressive Conservatives were a distant second with 21%.  Tied for third, the Liberal Party and the NDP with 16% each.

It seemed obvious at the time that Alberta voters were abandoning the governing Progressive Conservatives and, logically, the Wildrose seemed poised to replace the PCs as the governing right-wing party.  Just like they did when Peter Lougheed broke the 36-year hegemony on Alberta politics of the Social Credit Party.

Of course, that is not quite what happened.  The Alberta New Democratic Party was elected to a majority government under Rachel Notley, forming Government for the first time in Alberta history.  This was only the fourth change of government in Alberta since 1905 and the first time since 1930 that a left-of-centre political party had gained power in the province.

Motley's challenge, now, is to prevent a fifth change of government.  It won't be easy.  The NDP's honeymoon in the province was short-lived.  The very first poll conducted after the election, a Mainstreet effort in June 2015, had the Wildrose on top and the NDP down 9 points.  In fact, every single poll since the last election, with one exception, had the NDP trailing the Wildrose or the Progressive Conservatives.  Or both.

Despite this, Alberta right wingers didn't want to take the chance that vote-splitting on the right side of the spectrum could allow an NDP re-election.  They could not bear the thought, so uniting the Wildrose and PC parties became a priority and it is now reality.  There is now a single conservative option against the NDP in the next election: the United Conservative Party.

Already, despite being leaderless and policyless, the UCP is poised to form government and most conservatives of all stripes are breathing better: the plan is working.  Mainstreet pegs support for the UCP at 57 per cent provincewide.  The NDP is almost 30 points behind at 29 per cent.  From an historic point of view, this is pretty good.  The only time other than 2015 where the NDP beat that mark in an election was during the 1986 election, when Ray Martin became Leader of the Official Opposition.

But from the point of view of a government seeking re-election, this is not promising.  Rachel Notley can take solace in the fact that at 4%, the Liberals are not in the game, despite a new Leader and the Trudeau coattails.  The NDP is also hoping that disgruntled conservatives and Wildrosers alike defect to the Alberta Party.  Greg Clark's party is currently standing at nine per cent, 5 times more than what they received during the 2015 election.

Alberta is going to become a tough political battleground.  The UCP is going to push hard with proven blow hard tactics and be all-guns blazing against the NDP to maintain a polarization of the landscape.  The NDP will try to exploit every single bozo eruption they can put their hands on, hoping things will stick as much as the lake of fire.

And if anything has been demonstrated over many elections in this country over the past decade, is that today's polls are no guarantee of tomorrow's results.

Photo Credit: Chatelaine

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


The former MP filled the walls of his Parliament Hill office with 8,000 baseball caps, 9,000 pins and 5,000 buttons he'd collected over 18 years

TORONTO, Ont./Troy Media/ I recently came into possession of some of the ball caps that once adorned the walls of Peter Stoffer's Parliament Hill office.

From 1997-2015, Stoffer was the NDP MP for Nova Scotia's Sackville-Eastern Shore riding.  He was the official Opposition critic for Veterans Affairs, and also held NDP critic roles for Fisheries and Oceans, National Defence and Canada Post, among others.

He was respected by peers and partisans for his independent thinking, friendly demeanour and astonishing collections in his office in the Confederation Building.

In an Oct. 27, 2015, interview with Rosemary Barton on CBC News Network's Power and Politics, he stated there were "8,000 baseball caps, 9,000 pins, 5,000 buttons, a lot of them political, and a whole bunch of other stuff I've accumulated over 18 years."

The ball cap collection started quite by accident.  "I was the Fisheries and Oceans critic for our party," he told CTV on July 14, 2016.  "A gentleman from the Labrador and Newfoundland Shrimp Co. came to talk to me about northern shrimp.  He saw my three hats I had on my desk.  He said, 'Do ya like hats?'  So he gave me his.  I had four of them.  So I just tacked them onto the wall."

It just kept going from there.  "I don't like blank wall space anyway, so I thought I'd fill it up," he told Barton.  He wasn't kidding the office was covered from wall to ceiling.

I caught his Oct. 27, 2015, interview with CTV News Channel's Mercedes Stephenson, and heard he was going to sell his ball cap collection (save for two sentimental items) and donate the money to charity.  This sounded like a noble cause and appealed to me as a political junkie.

One small problem: I barely knew Stoffer.  We had one brief, pleasant conversation when I worked in Stephen Harper's office.  He was kind enough to invite me to see his office and have a drink, but I regrettably never did.

So I sent a note to his political email account and hoped for the best.  His then-parliamentary assistant, Colleen Knight, got in touch with me and passed along a phone number.  Stoffer and I chatted, exchanged personal email accounts and he agreed to send me some caps.

Alas, the daily grind of life got in the way and our conversation fell by the wayside.

The gods were smiling upon us, however.  An old episode of the CBC's This Hour Has 22 Minutes aired in mid-June that contained a segment about his office.  A light bulb flickered in my middle-aged head and I retrieved our email conversation.  Although I figured it was far too late, I asked him if he had any remaining ball caps.

Incredibly, he had "about 20 left which I will sell by the way next month at a flea market so I do have some political and military hats if you so wish."  I couldn't believe my luck and wrote that I would take "four caps in total" and the "choice is up to you."

The package arrived in mid-July, containing: Montreal's 438 Tactical Helicopter Squadron, NCSM Ville de Québec (FFH 332) frigate, a signed Team Trost, and the NON campaign during the 1995 Quebec referendum.  A donation to Stoffer's charity of choice, the Society of Atlantic Heroes, will be made this week.

I appreciate his help in closing this small chapter.  As I wrote to him in 2015, "you had many friends and admirers across party lines.  I always thought you were a honourable person and did an excellent job as an MP.  The House of Commons will miss your presence … and your candour."  I stand by these words.

In all likelihood, I'm the last political/media person to receive Peter Stoffer's ball caps.  It wasn't intentionally done but I'll gladly hold this unique distinction.

Photo Credit: CBC News

Troy Media columnist and political commentator Michael Taube was a speechwriter for former prime minister Stephen Harper.

© 2017 Distributed by Troy Media

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


The repressive Saudi regime that everyone said would use a bunch of Canadian-made armoured vehicles against its own people, has quite likely used a bunch of Canadian-made armoured vehicles against its own people.  Whoopsies!

It's the inevitable outcome to a decision by the government that made manufacturing jobs at home more important than the lives of civilians abroad.  Forced to choose between human rights and the rights of the middle class to make arms and sell them to a repressive regime, Justin Trudeau's government chose the middle class.

Now Foreign Minister Chrystia Freeland has said the government takes seriously the allegations and said her department will investigate the charges against the Saudis.  But it's probably too late to do anything.  The time for action has likely passed.

Perhaps I'm getting ahead of myself, though.  Let's take quick stock of where we are and how the government put us in this place.

According to reports in the last week or so, primarily in the Globe and Mail, Saudi Arabia looks to be using armoured, rolling weapon platforms made in Newmarket for one of the country's periodic crackdowns.  The vehicles in videos provided by activists appear to be the same type as manufactured by Terradyne Armored Vehicles.  It's just one of a number of Canadian arms manufacturers who are selling weapons and fighting vehicles to the Saudis.

The most famous of these arms deal involves a $15 billion one between the Saudi government and London Ont.'s General Dynamics.  Back in the heady days of a year-and-a-half ago, when the Liberal government was still fresh and sunny, then-foreign minister Stephane Dion approved the bulk sale of the so-called "light-armoured vehicles," or "LAVs," by General Dynamics to Saudi Arabia.  Dion signed off on the agreement on the condition that the country only use the armed and armoured vehicles to protect the country from the likes of ISIS.

The foreign minister has to sign off in cases like this to satisfy export rules that say, essentially, Canadian manufacturers can't sell arms to certain governments that will use the arms against their own people.  (It's a shade more complex than that, but there's no need for us to delve into that here.)

At the time, Dion said the deal was a fait accompli, as it was made by the previous government, and his signature was just a formality.  But despite his protestations, the fact remains without that formal signature, the arms export wouldn't have gone forward.

But, the government's position was the Saudis are an ally and they pinky swore they wouldn't hurt any of their own people with these vehicles.  So while they said they didn't really care for the deal, they felt duty bound to go through with it.

Of course, this was a farce from the beginning.  Only a few months after the deal was signed, the Globe reported how the Saudi government was using armoured vehicles.

Now, these weren't Canadian-made ones, but it certainly proved the government was willing to turn this kind of vehicle against its own people.

It's getting harder and harder to take the government's sunny ways as anything other than empty smarm.  Saying the right thing, over and over, but doing the expedient thing all the while is becoming one of the hallmarks of this government.

But, don't worry, the government is "concerned."  So concerned, they released a statement expressing their general concern.

"The minister is deeply concerned about this situation and has asked officials to review it immediately," the department said in a statement to the Globe.  "If it is found that Canadian exports have been used to commit serious violations of human rights, the minister will take action."

It's unlikely that "action" would involve anything meaningful.  It's hard to imagine a scenario where Saudi Arabia would return vehicles they'd used — and probably found effective — just because Canada asked for them back.  The only real recourse the government can pull off with a real chance of success is to put a halt to any more.

But there's the rub.  If they were to cancel a deal of this magnitude, it would put in jeopardy some 3,000 jobs in southwestern Ontario.  These are the sort of good-paying manufacturing jobs that are fast disappearing throughout the country.  And this is a government which talks constantly about good-paying jobs for a good middle class.

If the LAVs in the Globe's reporting are indeed Canadian made, and are being used by the Saudis against their own population, the government will be faced with a choice: let jobs die, or let people die.

If I were a Saudi citizen under siege from my own government, I wouldn't put too much faith in the Canadians on this one.

Photo Credit: Fightback Canada

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


I'll confess to being a little surprised at the backlash Prime Minister Trudeau received following his splashy cover story in last week's Rolling Stone.  In addition to an editorial in the Washington Post by yours truly, there were at least a half-dozen critical takes published in major Canadian outlets, sniping sarcastic shots at the Rolling Stone piece and the submission-before-power attitude it embodied.  What Trudeau's handlers no doubt hoped would herald a change of narrative after weeks of Omar Khadr bludgeoning wound up being, at best, net neutral.

Conservatives like me sometimes take for granted the degree to which the public and media uncritically embrace the standard line on Trudeau, promoted by his party and the foreign press — that he's the coolest, hippest dude who ever lived, a towering figure of enlightened thought standing athwart a wicked world, etc. Yet we're not all complete sheep in this country; plenty can smell a manipulative PR strategy when it's so consistently shoved up their nostrils.

What's interesting, however, is how much of the everyone-loves-Trudeau pushback comes from the left these days.  That the right would be nauseated by stories of socks and selfies is dog-bites-man — that the progressives would be troubled signals a more meaningful political development.

Some of it's sheer left-wing contrarianism to be sure, particularly from the urban hipster left who will always enjoy hating whatever's popular — especially something as drearily bourgeois as the country's leader.  Yet a lot of it's ideological too.  As much as the right (and Rolling Stone) likes to portray the prime minister as the unchallenged embodiment of Canadian liberalism, he does have vulnerabilities in the eyes of the movement he purportedly leads.  Many of these critiques are neither fair nor logical, but… well, welcome to the modern left.

Take Trudeau's vaguely uncharitable reference in the Rolling Stone piece to his one-time boxing partner, the aboriginal senator Patrick Brazeau.  Calling Brazeau a "good foil" has been taken as proof by some indigenous activists that the prime minister is, quote, "super-racist."  Trudeau has since expressed "regret" for using language that "doesn't contribute to the positive spirit of reconciliation that I'd like to think I know my government stands for," an absurd response to an offence so slight, yet also a tacit acknowledgment that his political future is at least partially dependent on the goodwill of people inclined to find racism wherever they look.  (I'm unclear if Trudeau apologized to Black Lives Matter after the co-founder of the Toronto group called him a "white supremacist terrorist.")

A similar note was sounded by Jen Gerson, also in the Washington Post, who accused Trudeau of mishandling that big grand inquiry into the Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women (MMIW), in what has become another standard talking point of Trudeau's critics on the left.

That the MMIW thing is falling off the rails is no real fault of Trudeau, except to the degree he agreed to convene the preposterous thing in the first place.  We already know why aboriginal women are more likely to go missing and be murdered — they disproportionately come from the sort of troubled communities and families that produce missing and murdered people of all races.  The inquiry doesn't exist to perform criminology, however, but rather produce satisfaction in the Canadian aboriginal community at large that every historic sin and present dysfunction of native life has been addressed in some comprehensive way.  Trudeau obviously cannot deliver this with an inquiry, or anything else for that matter, but a faction of his electorate expects him to.

The environment presents another impossible front.  As Kyle Smith noted in National Review, Trudeau would have trouble winning a Democratic primary at the moment given he doesn't oppose all oil development in all circumstances at a time when many progressives are demanding precisely that.  Charlie Smith in the Georgia Straight declared the Rolling Stone piece had done "the world a disservice" by failing to note that Trudeau's government supports no fewer than (gasp) three different pipeline projects!  Smith affectionately quotes an earlier far-left jeremiad in the Guardian that went even further, dubbing Trudeau "a disaster for the planet."

Canada produces about 2% of the world's CO2 emissions, which will surely go down during Trudeau's prime ministership (as they did, it should be noted, under Stephen Harper) and the country is hardly some anything-goes sheikdom when it comes to harvesting and shipping crude.  Any Canadian energy project is already subject to numerous layers of political, bureaucratic, scientific, aboriginal, and judicial oversight, and Trudeau has pledged to strengthen them all in the name of protecting Mother Earth.  Yet until the PM honours his vow to "phase out" the oil sands (and presumably happily deliver the ensuing economic destruction), he'll remain a sellout to some.

Prime Minister Harper was never particularly vulnerable to right wing criticism for a number of reasons, a large one being that conservatives in this country have relatively low expectations for their leaders beyond keeping the other guys out.  The Canadian left is far bossier towards its politicians, with utopian promises explicitly demanded.

Not all progressive voters will hold Trudeau to the standards of perfection his public brand invites.  For them, his lofty aspirations are good enough.  Yet as left-wing partisans across the globe become more sharply ideological, it's clear there exists an increasingly vocal constituency of Canadians who feel need to feel alienated from a politician the foreign press constantly claims to set the gold standard of progressive excellence.

It's why I continue to be fascinated by the rise of the NDP's Jagmeet Singh, a man seemingly on track to offer himself up in 2019 as a sort of Trudeau 2.0 to scorned progressive voters.  Trudeau had best start working on his rebuttal.

Written by J.J. McCullough

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


When Emmanuel Macron and his upstart party En Marche! won both the French presidential and legislative elections, comparisons with Justin Trudeau abounded.  A progressive sounding super-centrist, doing politics differently, young and photogenic, with a set of vague principles and great slogans allowing a large tent of voters to feel comfortable to cast their ballots in his favour.  He was all things to all people.

But unlike Trudeau, less than three months after his triumph, Macron's popularity is crumbling.  He has lost 10 points in the last month.  This was a very short honeymoon, atypical even for France.  Macron is brought back to earth, having to deal with the reality of the exercise of power.  The Macron brand has suffered from missteps, flip-flops and a slow economy, while Trudeau has yet to pay the price for similar problems.

Even more than Trudeau's Liberal Party, En Marche! is Macron's party.  There is no legacy, there is no sense of depth for the young movement, so all hopes and expectations were on Macron.  With the traditional parties now in complete shambles, Macron is now the sole focus of all scrutiny and criticism for his choices.

Macron wants to save 4.5 billion euros before the end of 2017 and reign in the public deficit before 2018.  He is asking everyone to make an effort, which is not quite what he offered France during the election.  A defence budget cut of 850 million euros has attracted the wrath of the military.  Plans to reduce local and regional authorities spending by 13 billion euros by 2022 is creating regional discontent.  Universities have seen 331 million euros of appropriations cancelled for 2017.  Unions and students are mobilizing against Macron's "politics of austerity."  The reform of the Labor Code is a ticking time bomb.

It seems that there is an awakening from all the French who did not vote for Macron on the first Presidential ballot, preferring another party or abstention all together.  Even those who ended up voting for him on the second ballot are having second thoughts.  Not because they wish they had voted for Le Pen's National Front, mind you, but because they are not quite sure what they actually ended up with.

The euphoria of change, stemming from electing a young president ready to break conventional politics doubled with a completely transformed legislative body, is dissipating faster than the promised changes are appearing.

The old reflexes reappear among socialist and republican voters, in search of their lost traditional axis of debate in the face of this intangible politician.  Unable to put a finger on his ideology, too conservative for the left, too multiculturalist for the right, they are still trying to figure him out.  Euphoria has morphed into perplexity.  Is la République en marche, as it is now known, a movement by and for the people or a party for a select elite club?  What is its political philosophy?  What kind society does it want to build?  On what values?

How will the great reforms, promised for the fall, materialize?  Some French are still hoping for a revolution, but chances are it'll be quite gentle.  The first signs of governance highlight a dissonance between the election sloganeering, the post-election rhetoric and the actual actions of Macron.  In Canada, Trudeau has been able to surf on the small waves of discontent triggered by his broken promises.  In France, many first hour supporters of Macron are already expressing doubts and showing impatience about the current pace.

Like Canadians with Trudeau, the French were expecting an ambitious agenda from Macron.  Unlike Canadians, they're already growing impatient with the lack of tangible deliverables.

Photo Credit: Rolling Stone

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


One of the hallmark difficulties the current government has had as it approaches the midpoint is in making Governor in Council appointments, whether it's to positions like the Immigration and Refugee Board, superior court judges, independent officers of parliament, or as it turns out, Senators.  While Prime Minister Justin Trudeau did put a new appointment process for senators into place to fill the backlog of vacancies that he inherited from Stephen Harper, and the fact that it happened relatively quickly compared to other appointment processes, it seems to have fallen to the wayside as the number of Senate vacancies mounts.

Currently there are seven vacant seats in the Senate, which will climb steadily by September, and there will be eleven vacancies by the end of the year, possibly more (especially if Senator Jacques Demers opts to resign, as he has not yet returned to work after the stroke he suffered in April of 2016).  This lack of new appointments is becoming a problem for the Senate, particularly because it creates an expectation for another mass appointment.  While it's unlikely that Trudeau will let it get to another twenty or so vacancies as Harper did on two different occasions, the fact of the matter is that the Senate simply isn't designed to take big groups of newcomers at a time.

The way things should run is that the PMO should be aware of upcoming vacancies and already have the people who are in charge of appointments his arm's length committee in this case on the case months in advance so that when one senator reaches their retirement date, that there is someone ready to take their place, with those who resign early taking a little longer, but you would think that a well-run appointments office would have their feelers out in each of the provinces and territories for someone who could fill the role.  That way, the Senate is able to absorb new members naturally, and in a manner that has them supported and guided by the existing membership and acclimatizes them to the environment in a manner that doesn't stress the chamber.  And make no mistake, mass appointments do stress the institution.  They did in 2008 when Harper made his panic appointments in the wake of the prorogation crisis, and because so many senators came in to fill the depleted Conservative ranks in the Senate, it was too easy to tell them that they were there to do his bidding and to brandish the whip before them especially when the Senate leadership was rather supine in the face of overreach by the PMO in their attempts to control the Senate.  Trudeau's mass appointments since he formed government have stressed the chamber in yet more ways, with independents thrown to the wolves without the support or guidance of a caucus or enough other independent senators to mentor them.  Under intense media scrutiny, they were and expected to hit the ground running, without necessarily understanding how the Chamber operates.

If things continue down their current path, we are on track for a second stress incident, with the question mark of how those independents and Trudeau has insisted that all of his appointments will be independent will integrate given the formation of the Independent Senators Group, a quasi-caucus whose leadership is now up in the air, which could be very bad for the integration and mentorship of the incoming batch.  That batch will also push the ISG into the position of being the largest caucus, and that will have repercussions as those senators gain control of important committees like Internal Economy and Rules, and will be able to start reshaping an institution that they don't fully appreciate the operation of in order to fulfill a vision that they have.

This question of vision leads me to my next point, that the appointment process that Trudeau put into place may not have been the best one, in particular because it relies on people to apply for the job rather than on the committee seeking out community leaders with good records who may not have otherwise considered public service in such a capacity.  Indeed, it was the vision of political scientists like Emmett Macfarlane, who Trudeau consulted with when he shaped his more independent Senate, that nomination was preferable to application.  Why is this an issue?  In part because I think that a certain humbleness is being lost under the new system.

Which isn't to say that a lot of really worthy senators haven't been appointed, because there have been some really great picks.  But I'm also hearing talk about some senators developing outsized egos, which should have been expected if you're asking for people to apply for this kind of position, and some of that is starting to bleed out into the public if you pay close attention.  I'm finding that we're getting fewer senators like Romeo Dallaire, who would never have otherwise sought office until approached by the government of the day, and instead we are getting a new contingent of activists in social science fields who have their own ideas about how to shape policy without going through the political process, and that has the potential to be increasingly problematic as time goes on.

One of my concerns is that the appointment process has empowered some of these senators in such a way that makes them deaf to public criticism, because they intend to use their newfound power.  Indeed, I've heard stories that among some of these new senators, a level of sanctimony is developing, irking fellow colleagues and leading to accusations of arrogance.  And it's hard not to see why it happens, when you have a group of people who were leaders in their fields, who have goals they want to achieve, and who are less likely to be collaborative like the Senate has traditionally been.  These are all by-products of the process that Trudeau has instituted, which for all of its good intentions, is creating its share of problems, and those problems compound the longer they continue.

Photo Credit: National Observer

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Another day, another superficial profile of Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, the transparently false Messiah of modern progressivism.  Another shrieking backlash from the Canadian left and right.  Another well intentioned but ultimately doomed attempt to show that there's more to Canada than platitudinous nonsense about our "live-and-let-live-ethos".

Ho-freaking-hum.

Those of us who aren't too thrilled about this pinkwashed version of Canada substituting for the real thing in the international media can agonize over cringeworthy lines about Trudeau's socks or the "Royal Canadian Mountain Police" all they please.  They're not getting to the root of why this version of Canada is what the PMO is pushing on unsuspecting and frankly clueless foreign journos.

The truth is, as much as some of us are complaining about this puffery, it's a safe bet.

Just like how you won't find any proud Canadian Nickelback fans even though they must exist there is a barely hidden subset of Canadians who want a false, clean and shiny Canada that we can show off to the neighbours even though they know it to be an utter fraud.

They don't want to talk about problems.  They don't like it when opposition politicians talk about problems.

No deficit talk.  No talk about systematic racism.  No troubling reminders about our past sins or about how much more we have left to do.  The deeper we sink into the depths, the more desire there is to imagine ourselves as a progressive utopia, and the greater the national satisfaction when this mirage fools someone.

Do not reveal our shame, the Prime Minister says as he alternately cozies up to Trump and subverts him by meeting with state governors.  Pay no attention to the man behind the curtain.  Take the path of least resistance.

A million convenient evasions keep this illusion alive.

One of Kathleen Wynne's MPP's tweets that a dead man was murdered by a police officer before a verdict has been rendered, and she keeps her job by blaming a possibly fictional, possibly real staffer.

Christy Clark tries to stage yet another of her famous comebacks.  She pledges to fight, then backs down.  Those who know her are shocked.  Those who really call the shots in the province of BC are less so.

A man takes a matter of some broken steps in need of repair into his own hands and fixes them himself.  The Mayor of Toronto is not pleased and says so.  The steps are dismantled by city employees and everyone pretends it never happened.

Saudi Arabia is using weapons sold to them by Canada against its own citizens!  Whose fault is it?  The Saudis, of course!  Trudeau had the best of intentions and only wanted to protect Canadian jobs in Southwestern Ontario.  Cut him some slack, huh?

And in each case, the people choose to believe what they are told, against the sight of their own eyes.

Doubtless those on the left who try to talk up their own outrages, with even less success, feel the same frustration at trying to get anyone to take action, much less recognize the existence of a problem any problem.

But the left, who are necessarily resistant to the very concept of personal responsibility and will forever be committed to making the case for humanity's essential goodness, prefer to blame shapeless entities like capitalism, the patriarchy and systemic racism for what ails the world.

They cannot see that these exalted academic concepts are just more sophisticated evasions.  If all are part of the system, then none can be responsible, and nothing has to change.  All that is then possible is the virtue signal, the slacktivism, the violence of the ultimately meaningless and hollow gesture, which is precisely what Trudeau the cardboard cutout saviour embodies.

Do not ask why we voted for this man.  The answer is obvious.  He personally asks no sacrifice from the voters though his government exacts heavy penalty.  He smiles and is easy on the eyes and only lays blame at the feet of those who have condemned themselves to be the scapegoat for all that is wrong with the country the hated Opposition.  He recognizes that Canadians don't want to be bothered with the fine details and likely wouldn't understand them if they were.  Just keep it light and dumb and passive-aggressive!  That's how we like it up in Canada.

And until we, as a nation, stop evading the truth and look it straight in its vacant blue eyes, nothing will change.

Photo Credit: Rolling Stone

Written by Josh Lieblein

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


How did Wynne make a miraculous poll vaulting jump in support in the latest poll released by Innovative Research Group (IRG)?  Of course this should be put in context, which so many journalists fail to do in reporting polls.  IRG is an unreliable pollster if its spectacular failure in predicting the B.C. Liberals having the edge (Christy Clark just resigned Friday) in the province's recent election is any indicator.  According to IRG, Wynne's OLP have sprung from a record low of 12 per cent support in March up to 35 per cent in July, a jump of 22 per cent.  I'll wait for more polls before I actually believe Wynne has sprung from the dead, doubling her popularity in a few months' time, but if there is even a grain of truth to this most recent poll, Wynne's Liberals seem to be recuperating from flatlining.

Apparently Wynne's bag of goodies (read voter bribes) seem to be working, but what is more likely to have already swayed public support is the bottom line of today.  In June, the 17 per cent hydro rate reduction took effect.  Perhaps this appeased some angry Ontarians.  The Wynne government's propaganda campaign trumpeting the reduction could only have helped.

The Ontario Liberal Party was patted on the back for bringing in campaign finance reform late last year, passing the Election Finances Act.  The Act was supposed to end cash-for-access events, which Wynne partook in regularly in her first few years in office, as well as end corporate and union contributions to parties and impose restrictions on third-party advertisers.  Although the move looked like the Liberals were giving up a large advantage in their ability to out fundraise their opponents, the new legislation also put taxpayers on the hook for giving each party $2.71 per vote received in the last election.  This translated to the Liberals receiving $5.06 million, the Conservatives, NDP and Green getting $4.09 million, $3.1 million and $630,000 respectively.  This means the Liberals still received just under $1 million more in taxpayer funding to their party from the government (themselves) than the next closest rival, and will receive the same advantage next year.

On top of this, wily Premier Kathleen Wynne loosened the government advertising rules the previous year.  This is why Wynne's "Fair Hydro Plan" ads have been inundating Ontarians the last several months, despite the chagrin it has caused the hands-tied auditor general Bonnie Lysyk, who, according to the National Post, said the changes "reduced her office to a rubber stamp."

The hyper-partisan ads, which I've already mocked, say "we've heard you" and falsely advertise that Ontarian ratepayers are getting an average of an additional 25 per cent off their hydro, instead of the actual 17 per cent reduction being given (Wynne's government includes, fraudulently, the 8 per cent provincial HST taken off bills at the beginning of the year).  The ads make no mention of the $21 billion burned up in additional interest payments, or that taxpayers will have to pay more in the next couple years to help offset the cost to the province.  Energy Minister Glenn Thibeault said Wynne's government "spent under $1 million on both the radio ads and the social media ads" back in March.  Since then, the ads have been ubiquitous, on television, radio, print and social media.  I suspect millions have been spent since Thibeault's low estimate, and I intend to find out just how much of taxpayers money they've burned to brainwash them into thinking they're doing a good job with taxpayers' money.

Either way, the OLP is getting plenty of free government advertising to repair its image because of how it loosened the rules.  I'll be looking into just how they buggered with government advertising legislation in 2015, how much they're spending on this uninformative PR ad blitz and whether or not this latest (likely push) poll reveals it's actually working.  Stay tuned.

Written by Graeme C. Gordon

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


In July 1967, French President Charles De Gaulle visited La Belle Province.  With Ottawa fixated on the United States, Quebec Premier Daniel Johnson, like many Quebecers at the time, believed Quebec needed to rely on France to allow Quebec's voice to be heard around the globe.  Johnson therefore invited the World War II hero to travel overseas, officially to visit the Montreal World Expo.

The General had a sense of history and responded favorably to Johnson's invitation.  He arrived in Quebec City on July 23rd.  He made the trek to Montreal on the Chemin du Roy, along the majestic St. Lawrence River.

Thousands of people were cheering him along the way, on land and on sea, in towns and villages.  This trip is legendary and partly built on a myth, as a whole fleet of buses were loading and unloading people in order to gather the biggest crowd possible.

The trip culminated on July 24th, St-Jean Baptiste Day, when Montreal City Mayor Jean Drapeau invited him to visit City Hall.  De Gaulle decided to address the 15,000 people massed in front of City Hall from the balcony, where someone had "forgotten" to unplug and remove two microphones.

His speech is said to have been improvised, but his words had been thought long and hard: "Tonight here, and all along my route, I found myself in an atmosphere of the same kind as that of the Liberation.  In addition to this, I have seen what an immense effort of progress, of development, and consequently of emancipation, you are accomplishing here … "

De Gaulle concluded with his most famous words on Canadian soil: "Vive Montréal ! Vive le Québec ! Vive le Québec… libre! "  An independentist slogan had been unleashed upon the enthusiastic crowd.  (He also added a couple of more sentences: "Vive le Canada français ! Et vive la France ! " But nobody remembers that part.)

The statement of the French President fuelled the ardor of the independence circles, helping their momentum which led, the following year, to the foundation of the Parti Québécois by René Lévesque.  The PQ was elected in 1976, held a referendum in 1980, the Bloc Québécois became the Queen's Official Opposition in Ottawa in 1993, another referendum was held in 1995.  Since then, there has been a slow but steady decline.

Yet, 50 years later, the impact of De Gaulle's words is still felt in Quebec.

A plan by the Société Saint-Jean-Baptiste to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the event on the very balcony where it occurred was nixed by Mayor Denis Coderre.  A City Hall spokesperson stated that "City Hall is neutral and apolitical," conveniently ignoring the fact the balcony's usage was authorized in 1997 to commemorate the 30th anniversary, or the fact the Montreal City Hall was marking the occasion with a week-long de Gaulle exhibit within its walls, including a visit of the balcony.

Perhaps Coderre, a staunch federalist, was worried this anniversary could give some sparks to the separatists?  Looking at where things stands 50 years after De Gaulle, it's hard to believe it could happen.  The PQ is languishing in 3rd place in the polls and is threatened to be overtaken by 4th place Québec Solidaire.  The Bloc Québécois has not been an official party in the House of Commons for over six years and people don't seem to miss them much.

In politics, a week is a lifetime.  But considering how much content was published in Quebec about the De Gaulle's 50 year-old words in July alone, one should be reminded that ideas can survive much longer than a lifetime.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Because I've been calling Patrick Brown out for months, some readers may have gotten the idea that I don't want him to win.

Well, let me clarify nothing would please me more than Patrick Brown becoming Premier of this province.

Not because I'd be thrilled to have him as the province's First Minister, mind you, but because it would finally prove a few things that many know to be true but at least for now have yet to be confirmed as verifiable facts.

Conservative principles are a joke

Is anyone going to claim that Patrick Brown is in the same universe as a conservative principle?  I mean, supporting Patrick Brown unironically basically marks you as a barking partisan, but not even Patrick's most ardent supporter is going to call him principled.

There was always cause to suspect that these principles were mere lip service paid to the idea that there was some difference between the parties.  If Brown wins while other conservative leaders tried and failed, expect fewer and fewer leadership contestants and elected officials to bother pretending.

This also creates a dilemma for a group of Principled Conservatives like Conservative Futures, who you might expect to speak out against Patrick Brown, but I guess despite being super principled they can let it go just this one time because we hate Kathleen Wynne that much, right?  Actually no.  No, that's not how it works at all.  That's the textbook definition of partisanship over principle.

The Conservative base enjoys being treated like cattle

I alluded to this in my last rant on Patrick Brown's behaviour.  As much as the Brown loyalists want to spin otherwise and as much as they want to talk about "shooting outwards, not inwards", the PCPO is in the state it is in because of the party bosses' actions.  The party does something stupid, the base gets angry, and then the party tells them to shut up because "they're helping Wynne".

It was the party, not the base, who pulled stunts at nomination meetings across the province.  It was the party, not the base, who called for "revenue neutral carbon pricing."  It was the party, not the base, who played footsie with the anti sex ed crowd and then claimed that it was merely a one night stand.

But somehow we have forgotten all of this.  We have people on Facebook at this precise moment admitting that Brown is a dud and that the process was likely abused, but the most important thing is that Wynne goes and that somehow, after the change in government they will hold Brown's feet to the fire?  Sure, let us all know how that works out.

Liberals rule this country

"Oh, what's the big deal if some nominations got screwed up!  This happens in every party!"

"So what if Patrick supports a carbon tax Trudeau will make it law in 2018 anyway!"

"It'd be great if we could run a real conservative campaign, but Ontario is far too left for that!"

These and other lame excuses currently being made excusing the PC Party of Ontario indicate that plenty of PC supporters have admitted that fighting the Liberals is far too hard.  And after a decade-plus of Harper mostly banging his head against a wall and constant failed PC Party campaigns from coast to coast to coast, that's not a position without merit.

But for Patrick Brown to actually win while tacitly endorsing all of the above means that creating a viable political alternative to the Liberals is not a goal that anyone, conservatives least of all, really want to accomplish.  We are fine with being a democracy in name only, a one Party state backstopped by a class of untouchables.

The fact that Patrick Brown a man who could stand beside Emmanuel Macron or Justin Trudeau and not seem entirely out of place is a viable conservative leader in this day and age and in this country really does suggest that there is something special about Canada that makes it a globalist paradise.  Or it may suggest that Canadians could fight back, but we have simply allowed the Liberals to rule over us.

Either way, with Patrick Brown at the helm, the blame can no longer be laid at the feet of the Liberals.  We have met the enemy, and he is us.

Photo Credit: You Tube

Written by Josh Lieblein

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.