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According to the Liberal Party of Ontario, Patrick Brown has been channeling his inner Donald Trump lately by adopting the U.S. President's dirty style of politics.  (No, clean politics isn't an oxymoron, as Justin "Sunny Ways" Trudeau proves everyday with his smiles and socks.)  I mean, all this time, all the signs have been lurking underneath a repressed Brown, subdued by his handlers as they try to present a subtler version of Trump's populism.

The first tell-tale sign of a Trumpster is blatant, bald-faced disregard for the truth.  The Toronto Stars intrepid Washington correspondent Daniel Dale has become the official fact-checker of Donald Trump.  He's meticulously documented every equivocation, fib, and lie coming out of the big mouth of the bloviator-in-chief over the past two years.  There have been hundreds upon hundreds of untruths.  Unfortunately there isn't a reporter dedicated to debunking all of Brown's falsehoods, but thankfully Queen's Park press gallery members are privy to LPO press release emails from the Liberal aides fact-checking Brown's public statements.  "Patrick Brown's Double Speak on Abortion Rights", "Back to the Future — 2012 Edition — Facts Still Matter in Ontario", "Ventriloquism in Vaughn — Facts Still Matter in Ontario", "Plowing Through the Facts — Facts Still Matter in Ontario", and "Doesn't Matter Where, He Just Doesn't Care — Facts Still Matter in Ontario" are just a sampling of some of the press release emails the LPO has tirelessly provided journalists since the summer.  If you were beginning to notice a theme, you'd be right.  The Liberals have been so kind as to dedicate an entire website — http://www.factsstillmatter.ca/ â€” to push back on Brown's sophistry with nothing but pure, unadulterated, facts deduced from nothing but the Socratic method.

Brown, breaking away from the hallowed tradition of Ontario politicians telling nothing but the God-honest truth, speaks only falsehoods according to the OLP.  Brown's latest whopper, in a supposedly Trumpesque move, was to slander the honourable and irreproachable Premier Kathleen Wynne when he falsely claimed she was standing trial.  Never mind that two ongoing corruption trials involve four top Liberal aides, including Wynne's former chief of staff, the fact of the matter is that the premier has done nothing wrong herself, and she voluntarily agreed to testify as a witness.  It all parallels Trump back in 2016, when he slandered an innocent Hillary Clinton by casting aspersions on her deft handling of Benghazi and its subsequent hearings or her unfortunate but honest mistake of her handling of classified emails, which former FBI Director James Comey — an objective judge if there ever was one — exonerated her for, twice.  In due course, you'll see, Wynne's Liberal aides will be cleared of any wrongdoing as well, absolving the party.

The second unmistakably Trumpian trait Brown is starting to embody is the enjoyment of nasty attacks.  The Liberals have sounded the Trump alarm because of "disgraceful" and "personal attacks" Brown and the Progressive Conservative Party of Ontario have used in their most recent television ad aimed at Wynne.  The ad shows selective headlines and excerpts from the media that mention distance memories like the gas plant scandal, and at the bottom of the screen, in ALL CAPS, it reads "THE ONTARIO LIBERAL PARTY IS POLITICALLY CORRUPT", and there is sinister background music and clinking of jail cell doors closing.  It all gives the totally false impression that the Liberals through nepotism and self-interest have sold out Ontarians, something completely outrageous to even suggest.  On top of this, Brown, like his fellow teetotaller down South, is starting to lash out wildly on Twitter.  Yesterday Brown had the impertinence to tweet that Wynne was stonewalling over chemical spills in Sarnia.  Or another reckless tweet where he mocked Wynne for doing her civic duty in testifying in Sudbury.  It's only a matter time until Nice Patrick fully transforms into rolled-up-sleeves-and-loosened-tie, monstrous Mr. Brown, bellowing "Lyin' Wynne" and "Crooked Kathleen."  Remain vigilant.

Alas, there is one area where Brown couldn't be any more absurdly different than Trump than the above satirical comparisons made above, and it's why the rest of Trump's traits uncharacteristic of Brown might stick on the Conservative leader.  Brown doesn't have the chutzpah or charisma that reality TV showman Trump does, he spent most of his political career on the back bench.  Whatever your opinion of Trump, he is a master at branding by manipulating the base impulses of the press.  Brown on the other hand, is still unknown to about half of Ontarians who don't even know who he is.  All it takes is a gaffe here and a slip-up there during election season and Brown will be portrayed by the LPO and media as the Big Bad Wolf, and seen through the just-opened eyes of sensitive leftist voters, which make up so much of the Ontario electorate, as ghastly.  That, or, God willing, Ontarians will see through this pathetic Hail Mary attempt by a Liberal party desperate to cling to power.

Written by Graeme C. Gordon

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


The Independent Senators Group has decided that going forward, they will start voting on whether or not to accept new members with a 60 percent threshold to be admitted.  This was one of the first orders of business with the new leadership of the ISG, senators Yuen Pau Woo and Raymonde Saint-Germain, as they start to make their mark on the nascent caucus as it achieves official status under the new rules coming at the end of the month.

Part of why this matters is because there are currently ten, soon to be eleven, vacancies in the Senate, and the next batch of appointments could very well give the ISG the plurality in the Senate.  But at the same time, there has been some level of concern within the group that they've become kind of a catch-all for any senator who is not part of a caucus, including those who have left or been expelled from either the Conservatives or the Senate Liberals (not that the Liberals have expelled anyone).

Who could they possibly mean, you might ask?  Well, former Senator Don Meredith, is a good example.  He was not only welcomed into the ISG in its early days, but was also apparently given some kind of coordination position at the time (though I've heard that it was likely in name only as he didn't exactly live up to his obligations), and when the Senate Ethics Officer released her report on his inappropriate relationship with a teenager, it was only then that the ISG moved to remove him from their ranks.  And while I take their point that at the time, there had been no apparently movement on the ethics investigation and the police declined to lay charges, and he was innocent until proven guilty (and then-facilitator Senator Elaine McCoy is a lawyer so this kind of issue would very much be something she would have thought about), there was nevertheless an optics issue for them to deal with.  And one can imagine that given the Meredith issue that they may want to review some of their current members like, oh, Senator Mike Duffy as his lawsuit against the Senate proceeds.

Part of what the ISG plans to use as a guideline for their members is a "charter of values" that they are in the process of drafting, which would have to do with how they value independence and likely how they intend to have that play out within their caucus things like ensuring that they don't try to coerce votes on issues, but that they would encourage voting together on procedural issues, as they have in the past.  We'll have to see what this "charter" looks like when they finish drafting it, but it does reflect the kind of process-driven decision-making that the ISG has become known for.

So, what will the effect of this new process be as more senators are appointed?  What I'm hoping it means is that it will force new appointees to more carefully take a look at their options when it comes to deciding which caucus to join.  Currently, most of the new senators come in talking about making a pledge to sit as an independent, which has generally meant being caught up with the wide net cast by the ISG, but that may be coming to an end.  If the ISG is no longer going to be a catch-all, and good on them for not wanting to be that, then hopefully it means more options will be open to new appointees.

Part of why this is important is because if we want to maintain multiple caucuses in the Senate, then the existing partisan ones will need to be able to absorb new members in a means that won't be just about the PM appointing them directly as has been the case up until now.  And for those of us who believe in a Westminster system, that ability to have caucuses that have ideological points of view is an important consideration.  In fact, the former ISG facilitator, Senator McCoy, made the point to me last week that she has come to see that the Senate works best with them.

"The ideal is to have at least three groups in the Senate at all times, not one of which has an absolute majority, because that does encourage discussion and negotiations, and continual dialogue between senators to arrive at a way of doing things that accommodates most situations, and most senators, most of the time," McCoy said.

Currently the Senate Liberals are in a precipitous decline in membership as they age out with no new appointments having been made in over a decade.  If the fact that new independent appointees will no longer automatically join the ISG could mean that they have a chance to potentially entice new senators to consider them as a potential home.  I know that in the past, they have reached out to new senators to say that their door is open, but I'm not sure to what level they have been keeping up the outreach in previous months, but the added incentive is there now.  Given that they too have a fairly independent mindset that is not simply to be cheerleaders for the Liberal government, that they don't whip votes, and that they have enough experienced senators who can act as mentors for new senators may be incentive for potential new members.

It's my hope that as new senators come in, they will start looking at the three caucuses to see if they have a more natural home than simply just sitting as independents out of high-minded principle despite the fact that it may work against them, not having experienced senators to mentor them, or worse, leaves them vulnerable to being co-opted by the Government Leader in the Senate err, "government representative" for his own ends.  In order to keep the three-caucus balance, then doors will need to be opened to make that happen, and the ISG may have just made it a good idea to shop around.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


If you want to know what's wrong with this country, well, there are books and books you could read.  Or, to save time, just peruse Justin Trudeau's statement on the end of the Energy East pipeline project.

It began with a tweet, a suitably vacuous format for a vacuous leader in a vacuous age.  But this one was empty and self-satisfied even by the standard of tweets.  "On energy, we succeed when we work together as Canadians", it said.

Now the obvious objection is that this statement has nothing to do with what just happened.  We didn't succeed on Energy East nor did we work together "as Canadians" whatever that might mean given Trudeau's infamous December 2015 claim that "There is no core identity" in Canada.

The deeper problem is that it makes a traumatic and divisive policy failure sound like an achievement.  Or rather, it tries to.  As Andrew Coyne noted acerbically in retweeting it, "The replies to this may suggest the message didn't entirely connect with people."  Indeed it was an exceptionally tone-deaf response from a man who, on a good day, makes up in empathy for what he lacks in depth of understanding.

If it were just a standalone Tweet the damage might have been contained at this point.  But it went on "Read more: bit.ly/2yP0j6y", that hip "Bitly" shortened hyperlink connecting the curious to a Facebook post by the PM that read like satire of vain self-absorption.

The post began by dismissing the whole issue with a corny, frivolous joke: "It's no surprise there's been heated debate in the wake of TransCanada's decision to step away from its Energy East pipeline proposal.  It there weren't heated debate it wouldn't be Thanksgiving in Canada."  Ha ha ha.  That wacky Western alienation.  Now if it were Bombardier…

The post had the gall to continue "debate is one thing.  Stoking national divisions… is another."  So if we Liberals once again hurt the West then brush it off, you're the divisive ones if you persist in mentioning it.  Whereas if anyone insults Quebec…

Trudeau proceeded to defend the Liberal record on energy and climate, exactly as though the cancellation of Energy East were indeed an accomplishment, in the process doubling down on callous indifference to western concerns.  The collapse of the oil price has led to real hardship especially in Alberta, with high unemployment, broken dreams and serious problems in public finance, accompanied by a feeling that the Eastern you-know-whos just don't care.  Apparently this one doesn't.

Then the PM combined a boast with two lies.  "As liberals, we hold that a clear, transparent regulatory process is key to the success of major resource projects."  If that were true they would have made some effort to create one.  Instead, in a fog of uncertainty, major resource projects in Canada are failing one after another.

So Trudeau lies and boasts again, with a topping of trite partisanship.  "But to attribute the cancellation of Energy East to federal regulation good, bad or indifferent ignores the obvious.  First, our government has approved two major oil export pipelines that are under construction as we speak.  A third is expected to move forward soon.  That is precisely three major pipeline projects more than the previous government managed to initiate in a decade."

In fact the "approved" pipelines are far from a done deal given regulatory uncertainty, legal proceedings, protests and provincial hostility.  So rather than take the high ground, express concern and even contrition, Trudeau insults his critics and attacks his predecessors.  Very classy.

His insistence that market conditions were to blame certainly may be news to Montreal mayor Denis Coderre, a former Liberal MP and cabinet minister and vehement opponent of pipelines though not of importing oil by tanker or rail, who boasted of Quebecers' role in getting the project canceled.  Of course the company didn't blame governments; they don't dare to with so much at stake.  But it insults our intelligence to assume we don't grasp the importance of an endless regulatory process, all maze and no cheese, in killing the project.

Then Trudeau insulted his critics again: "Of course, politics will be politics.  Folks are entitled to their opinions.  But Canadians deserve better than a discussion in which leaders leap to capitalize on perceived regional slights, regardless of context or facts."  Given his own blindness to context it is stunning arrogance not softened by the Obama "folks" touch.  But wait.  It gets worse.

He went on to say "We don't get far we never have gotten far by pitting one region against another, or one group against another.  We succeed when we work together, as Canadians.  And that absolutely requires a give and take."

There might be a time and a place for such sentiments.  Though banal, they are not invalid.  But given an incident that painfully reminds westerners of the National Energy Program, enormous economic folly that pitted one region against another in a give-and-take where the west gave and the east took, under a PM from Quebec named Trudeau, you have to acknowledge what westerners, and many other Canadians, are feeling and show some sensitivity even if you disagree.

Hoo hah!  Instead he unleashed more condescending insulting lies at the West: "Aside from its being intellectually dishonest, the reflexive stoking of regional tensions is a political dead end.  The Conservative party, formerly the Reform Party, trod that road in its infancy.  It was a road better left abandoned."  Looooosers!  Hayseeds!  In fact it was the Liberals who stoked regional tensions and the Reform Party that arose in consequence.

Then instead of showing any understanding of this context, Trudeau blathered on how our wonderful energy sector contributes to exports and "well-paying middle-class jobs for Canadians", as if the Energy East pipeline had just been approved not abandoned and the oil patch was booming not hurting.

Obviously Trudeau's statement was crafted with an eye to the negative political fallout, including its concluding warning that "we know the consequences of regional tensions, if left to fester.  For decades, through the seventies and eighties and into the 90s, the political process in this country was bound up in hugely difficult, paralyzing unity debates.  Let's not go backwards, simply because speaking from anger is an easy response to disappointing news."

The problem is, it was crafted so ineptly his enemies could not have made it more damaging to his image as a compassionate uniter.  It fostered regional tension by mocking off western concerns, piling insult on misrepresentation, evading responsibility and treating anger at Liberal energy policies rather than the policies as the problem.

In 140 characters or less, it was: An amazingly vacuous performance even by a man noted for his vacuity.  That he should be popular despite such attitudes, or possibly because of them, speaks volumes about our political culture.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Well, dear reader, it seems we have a problem.  The Canadian government has just come out with a new cultural policy, and our biggest media/telecom/blood-sucking mega corp doesn't like it.  That's the good news.

The not-good news is there's a whole host of others lined up in opposition to the policy, including just about the whole province of Quebec.  Which is bad.

When Heritage Minister Mélanie Joly announced the policy last week, among the first kvetchers was Bell Media, who came out to say how much they hate it, how unfair it is to them.

You see, the cornerstone of Joly's announcement was the government had extracted from Netflix a promise from the American technology giant to spend half a billion dollars in Canada over the next five years.  This would be, Netflix has since confirmed, all new money and will include the creation of a Canadian production studio.

Well, sign me up!  Anything that Bell thinks is bad almost by definition has to be good.

But over at the Walrus, writer Ira Wells makes the point that the new Liberal policy puts an odd focus on its culture policy: the economy.  And he's right.  In fact, it's right there in the opening line of the government's policy document. "Creative Canada is a new vision and approach to creative industries and to growing the creative economy by the Government of Canada," it says.

So Wells has a good point.  If culture is about moving the soul, why all the emphasis on the pocketbook?  And this is completely fair.

The problem here is the actual application of Canadian Content regulations that were originally intended to preserve the soul of Canadian culture, have torqued over the years.  This policy has given us such gems as 11 seasons — across two networks! — of Murdoch Mysteries.  Our national broadcaster can't even make a watchable documentary series on Canada's history despite being handed oodles of Canada 150 cash, so instead we get the celebrity and reenactment-heavy The Story of Us.

But, probably the worst of all, CanCon has given decades of airtime to the worst song ever written, Patio Lanterns*.

So, that the government is looking for new structures outside the old model is on the whole positive.

But where things start to fall apart is in the selling of it.  First of, as we saw earlier, major players like Bell do not like the change.  But it's not just Bell.  There are a lot of people.

Of course, Joly is running into problems that are becoming typical of everything this government does.  Everything has to tie back in the most brainless way possible to the "middle class," and selling it involves repeating the same three dead-eyed talking points over and over.  Finance Minister Bill Morneau has found this while he's tried to stop people from being labelled a small-business killer.  Remember Miryam Monsef's electoral reform stuff?  Ditto.

You can't just have good policies, you also have to be able to sell them to people.

And, my god, this is at least doubly true when you head to Quebec.

One of the interesting things about moving here as an anglophone several years ago was discovering the self-contained media ecosystem that exists here.  There's a whole galaxy of legitimately famous people in the province I'd never heard tell of as an Ontarian.  Then add to that the cultural sensitivities of being a whole province that speaks a different language.  Then add how it's not clear how much of Netflix's investment, if any, is earmarked Quebec.

Cut to last weekend, where Joly goes on Tout Le Monde En Parle — a Quebec talk show/institution of which there's no real anglo equivalent — and gets absolutely eviscerated by the hosts because she doesn't have answers to any of their questions that go beyond the usual tripe.  If the cornerstone of your new policy is new money from a huge media company, and you, a Quebecer, are going on the biggest Quebec news program, you damn well better have an answer to these questions.

And if you don't?  Well, you're going to see headlines like this in the Globe and Mail: "A stunning fall from grace for Mélanie Joly."

So, even if this new cultural policy is a good thing, and I'm beginning to think it is, the government is already miles behind selling it to the public.  I'm not even sure they're going to be able to get it over the line.

Every time this government tries to make change, they make a hash of explaining why they're doing it before everything falls apart.  The new cultural policy won't matter if they can't figure out how to sell it.  It's time they figure that out.

* I will die on this hill. While Kim Mitchell's oeuvre is awful dreck, top to bottom, Patio Lanterns is far and away the worst thing ever written. I mean, look at this: "And I was stuck on Joy, that was her name/We didn't talk much/She was a nervous girl/I was a nervous boy/We stuck together like glue on glue/Dancing to an old song/Bobby Vinton's Blue on Blue/Heartache on heartache." Blech. Garbage.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


The demise of the Energy East pipeline has amped up the political rhetoric, not only in Ottawa but in provincial capitals and even cities like Montreal, but lost in this discussion seems to be some actual economics that need to be considered.  And while some people will be quick to point that TransCanada themselves blamed the National Energy Board for "substantial uncertainty around the scope, timing and cost associated with the regulatory review of the Projects," it has tended to act more for confirmation bias than it has to look at the broader picture of what the landscape is when it comes to the transmission of crude in this country.

But where the rhetoric has me questioning is less with the kind of Trudeau-bashing that Alberta politics has subsisted on since the early 1980s (now extended from father to son), but rather the fact that the demands that these pipelines be not only approved but championed by the government seem to point to a lack of confidence in the power of the free market, which you would ordinarily think that the Conservatives would be invested in.  Instead, we see populist pandering and protectionist language being used to demand approvals for a project whose economic case is no longer a certainty.

The language of "energy security" and ensuring that Eastern refineries get Western crude is somewhat novel economically speaking because Canada is a big country, and it's expensive to ship things west-to-east, most especially with pipelines, when the markets have tended to be north-south.  Volatility in world oil prices has created tensions with that east-west dynamic and the price differential in the past, which is why the National Energy Program came to be in 1980 to try and encourage that energy security while the imported crude coming into Eastern ports was expensive.  That a global recession hit later that year made a politically difficult situation worse for the federal government, and the conflation of the two created a mythology in Alberta about the NEP and Pierre Elliot Trudeau personally.

Fast forward to the energy security language of today, and how creepy parallels are starting to emerge, but from the other end of the political spectrum.  Indeed, energy economist Andrew Leach remarked over Twitter on Monday "Honestly, the idea that we should force oil self-sufficiency was the exclusive property of the radical left and the NEP until about 2013."  After all, it would normally be the NDP and Elizabeth May who would ordinarily demand that any refining be done in Canada for "value-added jobs."  But these are the days when populist rhetoric defies the traditional left-right labels.

But here's the thing about the economics they're fairly immutable, and even if Energy East were to have been built, there is no actual guarantee that those refineries in the East would actually use Canadian oil from the west rather than continuing to import cheaper, lighter crude from the United States and overseas.  Why?  In part because of the physical infrastructure of those refineries, which aren't currently equipped to handle the heavy crude coming from the west.  And you know which refineries are?  Those on the Gulf Coast, where Keystone XL is headed to.

Unless those Eastern refineries get expanded to handle anything more than small amounts of heavy crude from the west, the likely outcome would be heavy crude shipped through the Energy East pipeline would flow directly to ships in the port of Saint John, which would then head for the refineries in the Gulf Coast in essence, a more expensive version of Keystone XL, where you're paying an added $10-12 toll for the pipeline plus another $3 or so for the ship.  And cheaper, lighter crude continues to be imported from those "problematic" countries that the Conservatives, both in Ottawa and in Alberta, continue to decry.

In fact, the only way that Energy East makes sufficient economic sense is if there are no other options for western crude to flow either to the West Coast or south to the Gulf Coast, and a high enough oil price to absorb the cost of the tolls.  But with other pipelines now approved, both west and south, and with oil prices half of what they were when Energy East was first proposed, that economic case has largely evaporated.  Add to that, there is a genuine issue of capacity.  Just because you have more pipelines, it doesn't mean you necessarily have more options for markets.  Why?  Because pipelines running half-full cost twice as much to operate.  Again, these are the economic facts in play.

And so, I go back to the fact that you would think that a party that purports to be about free-market conservatism would take these factors into account before they resort to the kinds of protectionist rhetoric that we've been seeing, whether it's to deploy the concern trolling language of "dictator oil" that was popularized by Ezra Levant's Ethical Oil that doesn't actually make the economic case just the "feel good" case for forcing eastern markets to take expensive western crude, or whether it's using that protectionist language around jobs for Eastern Canadian refineries as a shield for those refinery owners to try and limit exports for their own gain.  How does any of this actually reflect the free market?

One would think that if there was an actual economic case for a supposed "nation-building project" like Energy East, that it would happen without requiring a government to bend over backward and override the independent regulators (as the Conservatives gave themselves the power to do while they were in power), or to try and bully projects through without due process or sufficient consultation (which the courts chastised them over with projects like Northern Gateway).  But if you're relying on populist discourse to force a project through that isn't actually economically viable, then where is the party of the free market?  These are the attitudes that Andrew Scheer has entrenched in the party, and the drift away from their roots continues apace.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


A minor shift is occurring on the Quebec political scene that could have major repercussions for the remaining parties.  Quebec Solidaire and Option Nationale, a small, radical separatist party, have announced their merger.  The move needs to be ratified by the 17,000 QS members and by the 2,000 ON members, but most believe it will go through.

This means that there will be one less party listed on the ballot in the next Quebec General election, set for October 2018.  The political rationale was explained at length by Quebec Solidaire spokesperson Gabriel-Nadeau Dubois and by Option Nationale's leader Sol Zanetti, complete with old canards about the illegitimacy of Canada's constitution and the stolen 1995 referendum, the two have said much less about the strategic and tactical rationale behind the move: displace the Parti Quebecois as the leading electoral force of Quebec sovereignists, separatists and nationalists.

Option Nationale was founded by former MNA Jean-Martin Aussant in 2011, after he left the PQ for not being forward enough towards the creation of an independent Quebec.  For a while, it looked like ON was going to take off.  Aussant, an articulate speaker, was very critical of his old party, to a point where Lisette Lapointe, wife of former Quebec Premier Jacques Parizeau, acquired a membership card from the party.  Despite disappointing results during the 2012 election, with less than 2% of the vote, Option Nationale was moving forward. Jacques Parizeau himself spoke at ON's March 2013 Convention, chastising the PQ for its timidity.

But not even four months later, Aussant was resigning and moving to England.  Despite electing Sol Zanetti to replace him and to compete in the 2014 election, the wind had been taking out of ON's sails.  With the departure of the founder of the party, ON was simply out of breath.  Its latest electoral performance, in last Monday's Louis-Hébert byelection, saw Option Nationale finish ninth out of ten candidates, with a paltry 0.3%.  At this point, there was no hope for a better outcome than a merger with Quebec Solidaire.  And it looks like Zanetti will be given a good seat for his efforts.

The merger agreement stipulates that the name "Québec Solidaire" will be retained, as will the essence of the program and the structure of the party.  Yet, despite its size, ON was able to negotiate a major change: QS has agreed to amend section 1 of its political program so that the Constituent Assembly that would be created as a result of the election of a QS government would now have as its main objective the adoption of a constitution for an independent Quebec.  Previously, this constituent assembly could have resulted in a constitution of a Quebec under whichever constitutional status the assembled delegates would have seen fit.

This is another step towards the radicalization of QS as a separatist party.  There is now a firm commitment to achieve Quebec independence in the very first Solidaire mandate.  This is in sharp contrast with the PQ's Jean-François Lisée's promise not to hold a referendum in his first mandate.

Last May, QS' members unequivocally rejected the possibility of an alliance with the Parti Québécois as part of a wider convergence of sovereigntist forces.  The QS membership expressed itself loudly about their mistrust of the Parti Québécois, notably calling them racists for their identity political plays.  They indicated in all sorts of ways that the Parti Québécois was no longer the vehicle of Quebec's  collective aspirations, leaving Lisée red-faced for being suckered into attempting a rapprochement with QS.  The merger with ON consolidates the Solidaires' attempt to wedge out the PQ.

Mathematically, the meagre points from ON might not boost QS's electoral prospects.  But the symbolisim is strong and the PQ can't be happy about this, considering ON was born out of its ranks.  In fact, if anything, Eric Grenier explains that the PQ could have won two more seats in 2014 with the help of Option Nationale's voters and five more in 2012.

Trying to outflank the PQ on the sovereignty front is not without risk for QS.  A lot of their voting base, especially in Montreal, would actually vote "No" in a referendum.  Now that QS can be described as first and foremost a separatist party, it could push away some of those voters, especially the anglophones and allophones.  In the past, the Quebec Liberals were the big tent party for federalist voters from left and right.  But the Couillard Liberals are quite unpopular and many have simply written them off for the next election.

This combination is exactly what the reborn Quebec NDP is counting on.  Still leaderless, the NDP ran former MP Denis Blanchette in the Louis-Hébert by-election.  Blanchette finished 7th, behind the 4 big parties and also behind the Conservatives and the Greens.  Still, the NDP got 5 times more votes than the Option Nationale candidate.  Many QS members are actually upset to see New Democrats back on the provincial scene.  Blanchette was the first New Democrat to run under the party's banner in 23 years.

QS' strategists are hoping that the PQ pool of voters they could gain is bigger than the number of what they see as "radical federalists" who would endanger their "projet de société" because of a misplaced loyalty to a country that has failed to deliver on the socialist dream.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Trudeau took a break from starring in his new role as Robin Hood to once again reprise his role as chivalrous Lancelot.  It's a hoaky act we all know well by now.  On a stage in New York for the U.N.'s We Day a couple weeks ago, the New York Times gushed over how our "lovable" PM kept "preaching" feminism, giving an "impassioned" speech on the subject dear to his heart.  But looking at Trudeau's first couple years in office, is Trudeau really living up to his soaring rhetoric about championing women?

In Trudeau's quest to elevate women he has unquestioningly done some worthy deeds.  Reallocating Canada's nearly $5 billion international assistance budget so that 95 per cent goes towards empowering women and girls in the developing world by 2022 was certainly honourable and worth mentioning.  It makes a lot of sense because helping women and girls attain equality has proven to be the best way to improve the quality of life for all in society.

Yet, the Trudeau's Liberals' erasure of the "barbaric cultural practices" section in their first draft of the new Canadian citizenship study guide, unveiled a few months ago, runs counter to the goal of empowering women and girls of these regions who emigrate to Canada.  Many new Canadian immigrants come from these developing countries where female genital mutilation (FGM), beating of women, honour killings and other wholly misogynistic and deplorable practices are tragically still legal and/or common.  The Liberals redirecting of Canada's foreign funding towards women's rights abroad is acknowledgement by Trudeau's government of the oppression these women face in these regions.  So why, then, would feminist Trudeau not want to ensure new Canadians from these regions are informed at the outset of entering our country that these misogynist practices will not be tolerated here?

It's not like these abhorrent — to use Trudeau's government's own word to describe FGM — behaviours aren't already happening to women and girls in immigrant communities in Canada.  Back in July, Global News reported border officers have been warned to be on the lookout for genital mutilation practitioners traveling to Canada with the intention of committing the crime here.  The Toronto Star has been doing an ongoing investigation into Canadian girls being subjected to the outlawed procedure in Canada or overseas.  So far the government has laid out no real response or solution to this problem, instead deciding to keep new arrivals in the dark about this and other barbaric practices that are illegal in this country.

As the pro-abortion zealots in Trudeau's government threw a tantrum over pro-life Conservative MP Rachael Harder being nominated to head the status of women committee (which isn't even looking at abortion), unborn girls in this country continue to be aborted because of their sex.  Trudeau made it clear he is "resolutely pro-choice" when he dogmatically announced in 2014 that all Liberal candidates must be pro-choice.  This rigid pro-abortion stance means Trudeau will ignore the abhorrent practice of sex-selective abortions currently occurring in Canada and addressed in other Western nations.  Disturbing media reports be damned.  The CBC back in 2012 aired an undercover investigation exposing private ultrasound clinics that were offering to identify the fetus's gender in the early stages of pregnancy.  Last year another study came out showing thousands of more boys were born compared to girls in a Canadian immigrant community, suggesting sex-selective abortion contributed to the skewed ratio.  Shouldn't feminist Trudeau be making sure this odious practice of valuing and picking unborn boys over unborn girls is banned in Canada?

To be fair, the Conservatives cowardly avoided addressing the problem when they had the opportunity to do so, but Trudeau proclaims everywhere he goes that he's a feminist, so shouldn't he be held to an accordingly higher standard?

Although the gender-balanced cabinet was argued by some as a sexist hiring practice and tokenism (Trudeau paying some women ministers less at first didn't help) straying further away from meritocracy, the overall effect of having half the cabinet made up of women does send a powerful message to women and girls interested in joining politics.  However, Trudeau has extended "feminist" affirmative action to the last budget to help address things like the mythic wage gap (Men on average work longer hours and are more willing to do dangerous work, two factors of many contributing in a higher average income for men, as well as the lionshare of workplace fatalities).  Shortly after that, feminist Trudeau decreed universities give more Canada Research Chair Program grants to women, despite there being far less women in STEM fields and doctoral studies out of personal career choices.  Trudeau also ignored the imbalance in gender representation where women are overrepresented, like good-paying public sector jobs and all other professions when looking at the newest generation in the workforce.  The irony is only compounded by Trudeau paying his male diplomats with less experience more than seasoned female colleagues.

Instead of simply ensuring a level playing field, Trudeau's third-wave feminist impulse has led him to tip the scales in favour of women based simply on their gender.  Meanwhile, Trudeau has stayed mum on real misogynist-based and oppressive problems some Canadian women face, like FGM, physical abuse, and sex-selective abortions.

Women don't need a patronizing and pandering Trudeau being their white knight in lecturing men about the following: "Don't interrupt women and notice every time women get interrupted in conversations."  Who knew women were such helpless pushovers?

Then there are many Canadian women and girls in immigrant communities actually vulnerable to very real patriarchal oppression.  Where is Lancelot Trudeau for these women and girls in actual distress?

Written by Graeme C. Gordon

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


It took NDP leader-elect Jagmeet Singh's decisive first-round KO of three seasoned opponents for the realization to dawn upon the Canadian political class that Justin Trudeau is now the old, white guy in the room.

But then again, nothing about Trudeau was ever fresh or new.  He simply told us he represented "real change", and Canadians chose to believe him.  So starved for nice-looking things are they, apparently, that they took the first available option and have stubbornly clung to him ever since, flaws be damned.

Never mind that Trudeau has consistently played up his nostalgic appeal for Canadians who still have fond memories of his father, and that he's been as quick to remind Canadians and the world media that "Canada Is Back" now that he's in charge, almost as much as he and his team remind us that it is the Current Year.  Not content with rethinking elements as basic as space and time, our Prime Minister now wishes to be both a thing and its opposite, hopeful as always that the voters will find some way to not notice.

Well, hopefully now that there is another federal leader who can match Trudeau in the style-over-substance department, Canadians will start to realize that our multitude-containing Prime Minister is at odds with himself in a few other domains most notably, how First Nations continue to suffer under his rule despite his noble rhetoric at the UN, or how his professed feminism doesn't extend to forcing female Conservative MPs to accept committee chair jobs they don't want.

Or maybe we could let the scales fall from our eyes entirely and realize that the Liberals not the Conservatives have always been the party of the status quo.

If you doubt this assertion, consider how many times it has been said that the Conservatives are out of touch with mainstream Canadian opinion.  How many times have Conservatives been accused of having hidden agendas, polarizing the discourse, being divisive.  The labels stick to the CPC in a way they never could to the Liberals.

So now that we are finally, slowly, becoming aware of the manifold contradictions of Justin Trudeau, perhaps we can confront one more: If the Conservative Party are the ones pushing a scary agenda, then they cannot also be the ones pushing for things to stay the same.

Since the unavoidable implication of the recent news coverage of Jagmeet Singh's refusal to unequivocally condemn the Air India bombing and his professed admiration of Fidel Castro is that he, too, will take the NDP in a dangerously radical direction, the lot of defending Canada from threats to of the harmonious consensus would inevitably have to fall on the Liberals.

But it isn't just by process of elimination that the Liberals become the party of the status quo.  Indeed, even when the Liberals appear to be doing something controversial or groundbreaking, it is always backed up by carefully focus grouped, politically neutral language meant to shush their opponents or blunt criticism.

Those who are concerned about the government's recent stabs at tax reform must explain why they oppose "tax fairness".  Alternately, the Liberals invoke the Charter and Omar's Khadr's Rights guaranteed thereby to challenge critics who raise their eyebrows at the size of his $10.5 million compensation package.

And if an issue does become too politically charged or divisive such as the Energy East pipeline the Liberals will simply twiddle their thumbs as the National Energy Board drags things out with reviews and red tape until the clock runs out.

One wonders why a party whose organizing principle seems to be "take the path of least resistance" would ever be mistaken for change agents.  It also begs the question of why voters assumed things would be different in the first place.

Unless, of course, the "real change" they wanted was a reversion back to the status quo…..

Written by Josh Lieblein

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


With the election of Senator Woo as the new facilitator of the Independent Senators Group, I sat down with Senator Elaine McCoy to catch up with her now that she has stepped back from the role.  McCoy is a senator who has always sat as an independent even when she and the remaining Progressive Conservatives still had a small enough group to call their own, until only McCoy remained.  And it cannot be argued that she is probably the only reason why the new independent senators did not end up getting co-opted by Senator Peter Harder, the Leader of the Government in the Senate err, "government representative" as part of his overall plan to have a chamber free of caucuses.

While the Conservative senators in particular may grouse that the new independent senators are Liberals in all-but-name, that would likely have been the more probable outcome had Harder gotten his way from the start, but thanks to the nascent ISG, the Canadian Senate now has a crossbencher contingent that is on the verge of rivalling the established parties like the Conservatives for supremacy as they head toward plurality.

So in her time as facilitator of the ISG, what did McCoy learn about the Senate?

"Insofar as it concerns the conduct of business in the Chamber, and the conduct of business in committees, we are truly the masters of our own destiny," McCoy said.

Where this then gets complicated is how the application of rules and practices have developed over the years.

"Whose ox is being gored, or hide is being protected?" asked McCoy.  "The review of the agreements, some written, some unwritten, is not regular, nor is it rigorous, from my perception."

McCoy notes that over the years, a lot of rules and practices haven't been challenged until something occurs that causes someone to object, at which point new rules get written to plug holes or to shift the balance to the desired outcome, which was exacerbated by the power duopoly that shifted back and forth between the two parties that dominated the Chamber.

"It reaffirms my position that the ideal is to have at least three groups in the Senate at all times, not one of which has an absolute majority, because that does encourage discussion and negotiations, and continual dialogue between senators to arrive at a way of doing things that accommodates most situations, and most senators, most of the time," McCoy said.

As for moving from years as an independent into a group, McCoy noted that she had once been part of a political party, back when she was an MLA and cabinet minister in the Alberta government from 1986 to 1993.  She drew her lessons then from former Alberta premier Peter Lougheed, whose seat she assumed upon his retirement, and she went on to serve in the government of Don Getty.  Back during her days as an independent in the Senate, she felt that because the rules largely excluded her participation, it was something of a waste of resources when she could have contributed more during those years.

"Coming into a group that was just forming was high hopes, but I definitely underestimated the challenge of organizing independents," McCoy said.  "I forgot totally that when I walked into the Progressive Conservative caucus in Alberta that it had been in existence for at least twenty years, and I had forgotten that if you walked into the Liberal or Conservative caucus on Parliament Hill, it had been there for at least a hundred years, and certainly in its current form since World War Two."

Because people entering into established caucuses don't have to worry about their values, and would have role models, it was different with the incoming independent senators because none of those structures existed.  The first seven members of the "working group" that later became the ISG, plus the next round of six appointees who joined them, was a manageable enough group, but when another 21 appointees were added later, things became more difficult.

"The first six took it upon themselves to think that they had to deliver on behalf of the 21, and they started this division between anyone who was appointed before them and anyone who was not, and the new 21 started to think that they had taken all of the good jobs already, so the tensions started to build," McCoy said.

If a new group goes through the phases of "storming, forming, and norming," the ISG is still too new to have achieved the "norming" stage, and impatience in the group has made it difficult to achieve the repetition of processes that will lead to their normalization.

"I wish them every success, but I think some the organizational challenges will continue because we're human," McCoy said.

As for what she left unfinished when her time came up in the leadership position, McCoy notes that she had wanted to get some critical questions on the table for the ISG members to think about, and norms established, when it comes to how they deal with legislation and how they handle their affairs at committee.  While these were up for discussion during the ISG Summit that also saw the election of Senator Woo to the position of facilitator, it still leaves these issues to be worked through.

Moving forward, McCoy hopes that the Senate takes the time to live with the new rules that they've adopted for a while before moving toward any further changes that might radically alter the way the institution works, and it's a sentiment that I have a great deal of sympathy for.  While there may be desire for some more wholesale change, be it to further reduce the partisanship, or to go even further in doing away with the more Westminster structure of government versus opposition, I think that a go-slow approach is warranted.  Radical change is harder to undo, and the Senate is too important an institution to get messed up because the desire to try something new outweighed what works.  Let's hope that the rest of the Senate heeds McCoy's wisdom on this matter.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Jagmeet Singh's appointment as Canada's first-ever nonwhite, non-Christian prime ministerial candidate provoked almost instantaneous anxiety over what rules of propriety should govern conversation about him.  On social media, there was much shaming of a CBC headline referring to him as a "Sikh lawyer" (was Justin Trudeau ever described as a "Catholic teacher" some sneered), while others took umbrage at a Margaret Wente column that used the adjective "exotic."  As Mr. Singh experiences the hike in attention (and criticism) that comes with being a national party leader, expect the language policing and vicarious offense-taking to increase.

Political correctness has made a dramatic resurgence in recent years, and is now one of the defining issues shaping our partisan debate.  This presents obvious challenges for the Canadian left, who must struggle to remain literate in ever-changing PC fashion to prove their mettle as defenders of the victimized, but it's no cakewalk for the right either, who must find a palatable style of resistance to fads that frequently manifest as a crusade against freedom.

Many in the Tory war room would just as well prefer not.  Conventional wisdom has long declared that Conservatives are unelectable when political debate departs from two narrow topics — the economy and Liberal scandals — with divisive "social issues" seen as the most poisonous distraction of all.  Recent high-profile atonements, such as removing support for the traditional definition of marriage from the Conservative party platform, getting Rona Ambrose to march in the Toronto Pride parade, the deification of Jason Kenney as the master of "ethnic outreach," and Andrew Scheer's promise (now basically an ex officio demand of holding the CPC leadership) to not "re-open" the abortion debate represent explicit efforts to bury traditional stereotypes of the party as in hock to reactionary hicks.

Yet social issues — which is to say, issues that force politicians to make moral judgements about some cultural trend — clearly aren't going away, partially because social division isn't, partially because parties of the left understand stoking social anxiety to be a useful tool for discombobulating their anxious opponents on the right.

The Liberals, having successfully cowed both the Conservative leadership and their own caucus into pro-abortion submission, moved to quell the last remaining holdouts of parliamentary opposition last week, when Liberal MPs on the House Status of Women Committee flamboyantly refused to serve under the chairmanship of Tory MP Rachael Harder, who is pro-life.  It was an explicit effort to destroy the delicate compromise Andrew Scheer had tried to build — wherein the pro-life faction of his party is given meaningless sinecures in exchange for zero influence — by transforming the mere existence of any pro-life politicians anywhere into a monstrous offense against women.

A similar campaign is being simultaneously waged against Conservative senator Lynn Beyak, who, despite having been stripped of all her committee positions, continues to share heretical opinions on aboriginal issues, including that residential schools were not uniformly evil, and that the disillusion of Indian reserves  would improve Canadian society.  As with abortion, the Liberals seek to make expressing nuance of any sort on the First Nations file an unambiguous sin deserving maximum reprimand, meaning even a powerless non-entity like Beyak must be made a national enemy simply by virtue of existing.

Then there's old Gerry Ritz, who passively used the nickname "Climate Barbie" in a tweet referencing Environment Minister Catherine McKenna.  The Minister's Liberal colleagues quickly branded this sexist beyond words, though their ability to call for his head was somewhat handicapped by the fact that he'd already resigned a few weeks prior.

Such theatrical episodes will strike many Canadians as silly and hysterical, yet they accurately represent the shape and form of "social issues" today, which have moved beyond substantial matters like marriage and abortion, and towards policing ever-narrowing boundaries of permissible opinion.  By exaggerating the consequence of mildly contrary thoughts or slightly distasteful comments, the left embraces a social agenda whose main consequence is to silence and stifle honest talk about important issues.

Conservative voters expect their party to mount a resistance to all this.  If there's an undeniable reserve of energy on the right these days, it's against the ever-widening net of PC authoritarianism.  Yet traditional Tory fears of being branded the party of bigots remains a powerful force on the other end.

Reflecting his status as a true party centrist, Andrew Scheer's present course appears to be a sort of middle of-the-road, tolerate-but-not-support strategy, wherein he refuses to endorse the un-PC opinions of caucus members like Harder, Beyak or Ritz, but refuses to purge them from the party altogether — as is easy to imagine many of his leadership opponents doing.

Half efforts like these are often unsustainable, since they tend to imply a weakness of conviction, which opponents can easily exploit.  If 2019 is an election in which Singh and Trudeau fall over each other in an arms race of offense and outrage — about women, about aboriginals, about the LGBT rainbow, etc. — then a timid Tory leader will find himself outshouted by the left and uninspiring to the right.  If Scheer can find an authentic, consistent, contrary tone, however, a voice of opposition to the obvious excesses of modern PC culture that's forceful, principled, and articulate then we'll have an authentic race of ideas appropriate for this moment.

Photo Credit: CBC News

Written by J.J. McCullough

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.