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When people ask why Trudeau doesn't do something about some issue, many sarcastic replies spring to mind.  Including "Which of his past deeds make you want him to do anything else?"  But on foreign policy, from Keystone XL to Afghanistan, the problem is often that there's very little any Canadian prime minister can do about the state of the world.  We're just not big enough and certainly not properly armed.

The latter, you might say, is one thing Trudeau could fix.  And here I yield to snideness, asking whether the guy behind giving WE the job of handing out student grants, and now hiring Bombardier to take $150 million to do some unspecified thing at some unspecified time, is really the one to cut the Gordian knot of Canadian defence procurement.  Or the guy whose commitment to feminism included stamping out harassment in the military.

On the other hand, to be as fair to the man as possible, Canadian defence procurement is one issue where he would have trouble making it worse.  Inviting him to try would be asking for trouble.  But Canada's record here is so bad over so many decades that it would be unfair to say we lack influence in the world because Trudeau hasn't bought us fighter planes, combat or supply ships or even pistols.

Yes, we lack influence in the world because we do not have these things.  And no, he has not bought them.  But nor did his predecessors.  And nobody cared.  In Who Killed the Canadian Military? Jack Granatstein said it was every Prime Minister since Louis St. Laurent.  And none, because ultimately it was us, the citizens, who did not object as fewer and fewer troops got older and older gear, and who indeed would have howled had anyone tried to take money out of our social programs to fund some silly thing like defence.

As so often, it gets worse, and we all get to shoulder the blame.  Because the problem isn't just unwillingness to spend and inability to procure.  Behind it lies the conviction that we don't really need armed forces because we're so special.  One Prime Minister after another has declared that we possess a unique and mighty influence in the world because we're so Canadian.

The specifics vary.  Perhaps we're a moral superpower.  Perhaps we're an energy superpower.  Perhaps we're the bridge between East and West.  Perhaps the world needs more Canada.  Perhaps the world cares a lot about Canada.  Perhaps the world could find Canada on a map.

They don't normally use the phrase Barack Obama did about practically every ally he ever visited, that we "punch above our weight", because punching is brutal and archaic.  But we have these magic frown beams or some capacity to radiate "diplomatic pressure" against which mere armies and missiles are straw.

Guess what?  We don't.  Not because we aren't sufficiently Canadian that if China invaded we would apologize, or we aren't sufficiently smug, or some such thing.  Because these methods just don't work.  Frederick the Great once said that diplomacy without arms is like music without instruments.  And we have no band.

Or course we can still sing our own praises.  But to an empty hall when we go on a foreign tour.  Xi Jinping doesn't care.  Vladimir Putin doesn't care.  The Taliban don't care.  Bashir al-Assad doesn't care.  Joe Biden doesn't care.

It is true that Trudeau did not try to get Biden to change his mind on Keystone XL.  He pretended, a bit, because somebody told him he had to make some sort of feeble gesture in the direction of the West and oil industry jobs.  But Trudeau is a committed global warming activist and such people don't like pipelines because they don't like oil.  (Note to Alberta, the energy industry etc.: If you won't defend oil, forget defending pipelines.  It's like arguing for bongs but against marijuana.)

So yes, he could have told Biden change your mind or else.  But Biden would have said "Or else what?" (Or "Who is this guy?") and there would have been no answer.  The same is true of the Taliban.

I agree with Terry Glavin that we and the Americans should speak frankly, and think frankly, about the Pakistani government's malign role in Afghanistan's torment.  As Malcolm Muggeridge memorably said of Stalin's Holodomor, "Whatever else I may do or think in the future, I must never pretend that I haven't seen this."  But I'm far from sure the Americans can do much about it and I'm dead sure Canada can't.  And we won't get far pretending we haven't seen that one either.

We are of course a very wealthy nation.  And Trudeau is doing his best to prove that no amount of productive capacity can withstand the relentless assault of a government that is as clueless about economics as it is conceited, so again before calling on him to act on a problem be careful what you wish for.  But in any case butter doesn't win wars.

Geopolitics isn't Plants v. Zombies.  And if you asked Xi Jinping how much money he would require to stop repressing Hong Kong or Uighurs, he would say "Give me your whole GDP and we'll talk."  The Politburo is not for sale and neither is ISIL.

Many foreign actors aren't in it for the money and most of the rest don't understand economics any better than our leaders.  And even if they did, prosperity furnishes minimal foreign leverage.  Trade embargoes hurt us as much as them and paying Danegeld just brings more Danes.

If we had a navy and an air force people might pay some attention to us.  But not a lot.  Especially as most of the trouble-makers discussed above have nuclear weapons which we piously renounced half a century ago under the very real and very silly conviction that it would make us more powerful as if we were Obi-wan Kenobi or Jesus or something.

Trudeau may be a product of that conviction, and he may aid and abet it.  But he certainly isn't the guy to do something about it for many reasons including that he's also not the source of it.  We are.

Photo Credit: Marvel

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


All of the sudden, Quebec was painted orange.  It was a sight to see on the map.  Region after region, the landscape was changing.  No, this is not a reference to an NDP breakthrough in Quebec, not the 2011 orange wave and certainly not now.

Premier François Legault announced on Wednesday that the colour alert code would change for most of the province of Quebec on March 8th.  A few areas were already orange, and all other regions joined them, with an important exception: Montreal and surrounding areas remained firmly in the red zone, at maximum COVID-19 alert.  The variants are spreading, and spreading fast.

The curfew remains in place in the orange zones, mind you, at 9:30 PM as opposed to 8 PM.  Unless you have a dog, of course, which allows you to get out of your house after hours.

François Legault said this was a calculated risk.  Another one.  A step taken carefully by the Premier, after a round of weekend media interviews to celebrate… errr, commemorate the anniversary of the discovery of the first case of coronavirus in Quebec, on February 27, 2020.

A year later, despite the worst record in Canada, with a toll of more than 10,000 deaths, François Legault does not see how he could have done better.  He blames the deaths in the LRTs on the previous Liberal government.  The health care system's lack of capacity?  Liberal cuts.  "What more could I have done, given that we were the ones who were the most careful?" said Legault in an interview with le Journal de Québec.

But why have all of the other provinces performed better than Quebec?  Legault still blames the 2020 spring break, which was set earlier in the pandemic and caused a harder first wave in la Belle Province.  It's an easy answer, but one that doesn't explain fully why Quebec failed to act early and to react boldly, considering what we were witnessing at the time elsewhere in the world.

But François Legault readily admits that the crisis was not on his radar screen until March.  While there was some preparation at the Health Department, there was no sense of urgency early on.  In fact, the Director of Public Health, Dr. Horacio Arruda, was on a trip to Morocco until March 8th, where he was joking about the entrance of the coronavirus in Quebec "I told my people to wait until I come back before having our first case!"  Oh, so funny.

It's not until his return that Arruda decided he had to alert the Premier.  He had not been made aware of the risk before March 9th, on the eve of a budget that was already obsolete.  "It was during the month of March that I understood that it would hit very hard," Legault told La Presse.

Despite the fact that Quebec accounts for nearly half of all deaths in Canada, the CAQ government of Premier Legault has not been affected by this disastrous record: it remains the most popular in Canada.

The tone employed by Legault has helped.  He was going to be Premier Dad.  He is the good family father leading with candour and confidence, in whom Quebecers have confidence.  This has certainly contributed to the acceptance and limited pushback that we have known in Quebec, despite the incoherence, the slow pace, the flip flops and the buck passing.

François Legault has convinced Quebecers that he made his decisions for their own good, that he was doing his best and that indeed, there is nothing more he could have done.  Yet over 10,000 Quebecers are rolling in their graves, wishing he would have done more.  Because of course, more could have been done.

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The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Alberta is creating an ESG Secretariat to create yet more happy talk for global investors.

The international flight of investment out of the oil sands as global institutions and banks look to environmental, social and governance metrics has convinced Premier Jason Kenney that it's imperative to burnish the province's image.

So the spring Alberta budget plowed $1 million into a new entity to tell Alberta's story.  It's yet another voice singing the same old song Alberta has been trying to get on the hit parade for years.

There's not much detail about how the secretariat will fulfill its mandate.  Supposedly it will spotlight other economic sectors besides the energy industry, but it's pretty clear where most of the focus will be.

"We really think we don't get a fair shake when it comes to many especially European investors, who hear only the negative side of the oil sands," Kenney told reporters last week.

"Part of our message is: To focus only on emissions in the broader ESG spectrum is not the right path."

Alberta has been proclaiming for years that Alberta oil is somehow more ethical.  The province's human rights record beats Saudi Arabia's, after all.  Alberta workers are well paid.  Some First Nations participate in the sector.  Just look away from that big carbon footprint (which, by the way, industry is chipping steadily away at.)

Last year the UCP government created the Canadian Energy Centre (CEC) to basically do the same thing as the ESG.  It was immediately derided as a bloated and incompetent PR effort.  With its $30 million annual budget and shaky first months, the "war room" proved a liability to the province's reputation.

The CEC continues to exist despite the creation of the ESG Secretariat.  It clocked in with a slightly slimmer $12 million budget this year and will continue to promote the energy sector's ESG merits, according to its director.

And also still hanging around on the fringes is the bizarre inquiry into "foreign-funded special interests" seeking to tarnish Alberta energy's reputation.  That inquiry, with more than $3 million in tax money, has garnered plenty of controversy and has blown well past its original deadline.

What will all these overlapping efforts amount to when all is said and done?  If nothing else they've proven a handy target for NDP Leader Rachel Notley.

"This is a government that has been spending millions and millions of dollars on a joke of a war room, that is spending money to buy junk science, that is changing environmental rules behind closed doors without consulting with people," Ms. Notley said.

"Each and every day they undermine the international picture that we need to present to the rest of the world."

The $1 million budget for the ESG Secretariat is coming from the province's tax on heavy carbon emitters.  Surely there are better ways to spend those dollars and all the dollars sunk into the war room and the inquiry.

The government could, for instance, provide some content for its sustainability story by beefing up regulation and enforcement of the resource industry.

Or better yet, if money must be spent on chatting up international investors, why not tell them about opportunities in Alberta beyond oil and gas, including agriculture, technology and health science?

But the UCP remains focused on energy even though that industry's share of the revenue picture continues to shrink.  And of course the energy industry itself is happy to have the government act as its marketing arm.

"If we can get some objective, consistent, complete and comparable data on ESG performance, it can then start to set the right tone and the right basis for either identifying areas to improve performance, or demonstrating the performance of our industry to international markets in order to attract capital," Canadian Association of Petroleum Producers vice-president of oil sands told reporters.

It's debatable if the secretariat's data will be objective, given the track record so far of the UCP's story-tellers.

It's too bad sheer volume is unlikely to bring back oil and gas investment given that Alberta's expensive PR chorus is now so deafening.

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The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


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The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


The House of Commons took another step toward normalizing hybrid sittings in a permanent way last week when all of the House Leaders from the various parties gave their sign-off for the remote voting app to begin operating in earnest.  At the same time, an independent senator asked the Parliamentary Budget Officer to cost out the savings of making hybrid sittings permanent once the pandemic is over, and he very much obliged.  What was largely absent from the report, however, was the human toll that these sittings take on staff and most especially the interpreters that our parliament depends on.  The longer these sittings carry on, the more I worry that our MPs and senators are ignoring the human cost of their unwillingness to suck up their intransigence to simply staying in Ottawa for longer stretches during the pandemic.

There is a basic awareness that the interpreters that Parliament relies on are suffering burnout and acoustic and cognitive injuries as a result of working over Zoom, and yet our parliamentarians can't seem to care about this.  Every few minutes, the Commons Speaker gently chides MPs to properly adjust their headset microphones, and to practice proper mute and unmute behavior, but it keeps happening, months after these hybrid sessions began.  No matter how many times the Speaker says "this makes it very hard on the interpretation staff that we rely on," MPs simply do not get the message, and it keeps happening, and lo, our interpreters are suffering as a result.

The Official Languages Committee just last week called on the government to pause the contract procedures for freelance interpreters of which they cite there are only about 80 qualified in all of Canada for this essential work because their safety is being compromised by conducting these hybrid sittings over Zoom.

A press release by the International Association of Conference Interpreters summarised it as such:

The suspected culprit is compressed and modified sound delivered by ZOOM.  The sound it delivers to interpreters is not intelligible enough to hear speakers and talk over them at the same time in another language.  The strain of trying to do so is causing concussion-like injuries such as headaches, extreme fatigue, tinnitus and other auditory conditions.

The Committee heard testimony from the federal Translation Bureau that more than 70% of its staff interpreters have reported these and other injuries since the spring last year.  As a result, the Translation Bureau is recruiting freelancers in greater numbers to reinforce interpretation of the proceedings of Parliament and other federal institutions.

The Association also published their own report into how these hybrid sittings are going, and the over 1000 technical and translation-related interruptions that these debates suffered between April and December of last year, which has a dramatic impact on the practice of bilingualism in Parliament, and in citing the 70 percent of interpreters suffering injuries from the work, listed the effects as "tinnitus, nausea, headache and fatigue severe enough to require time off the job to recover."

The PBO's report, however, barely mentions the human cost as it calculates the "savings" from these hybrid sittings.  "Virtual interpretation causes more fatigue to interpreters, who must work shorter shifts, as well as an increase in acoustic injuries.  The Translation Bureau, which provides interpretation services to Parliament, has hired additional interpreters on- contract to support its operation because of these issues."

Given that there are so few qualified interpreters in the country as it is, I remain mystified as to why MPs and senators remain bound and determined to burn them out and cause them consistent injuries, unless you realize that MPs don't think about these interpreters as anything other than part of the furniture, or the household help at best.  It would certainly help to explain why no amount of gentle chiding by the Speaker has had any measurable effect on MPs' behaviour, or why certain MPs rail over social media when committee meetings need to be suspended because there aren't any more interpreters available to do the tasks.

I have tried to think of another analogous situation where a group of highly skilled professionals would be asked to constantly put their health and safety in danger so that a group of ostensible elites wouldn't have to be so put out as to stay in one place for several weeks at a time, and yet here we are.  MPs could be avoiding this whole situation if they would just accept creating a parliamentary bubble so that sittings could carry on as close to normally as possible in the pandemic, even though it would mean a modicum of sacrifice in not being able to return home as often as they might like, and yet they refuse.  Instead, they rather self-righteously pat themselves on the back for "setting a good example" of staying at home, rather than showing that Parliament continues to function in the face of the situation that we find ourselves in.

And rest assured, there will be yet more calls to make this state of affairs permanent, especially now that there is this PBO report.  Ironically, many of the cost savings associated with travel or with the associated GHG emissions could be addressed if MPs would have longer sitting seasons in Ottawa, and reduce their travel rather than simply showing up in Ottawa for three, maybe four days in a week as so many MPs would do in normal times.  But now that these remote sittings are being normalized, the demands for them will only increase, to the detriment of the human cost to those who make these sittings happen.  The fact that MPs and senators are shrugging this cost off, and callously carrying on in ways that only serve to continue to injure these interpreters makes me wonder if we should be pointing out the morality of this ongoing situation, and why these interpreters are being made to suffer these injuries for the sake of these MPs avoiding the "indignity" of having to stay in Ottawa.  Is the cost really worth it?  Does it even register on their conscience?

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The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Hey everybody, Erin O'Toole, the Conservative Party's leader, is an obscure, dull, non-entity of a man with absolutely zero charisma.

And no, that's not me insulting O'Toole.

In fact, all I'm doing here is basically saying the same things about O'Toole which the Conservative Party itself seems to be saying about the man as part of its effort to woo voters.

Yup, it's true, portraying O'Toole as a non-descript, humdrum, colourless, nobody, is actually part of the Conservative Party's communication strategy to topple Prime Minister Justin Trudeau.

Don't believe me?

Well, the party recently released a propaganda video, entitled "Not a celebrity.  Just a leader.  Just Erin", which does its best to extoll and celebrate O'Toole's lack of pizzazz.

As a matter of fact, it starts out with O'Toole standing with his back to the camera, while a narrator asks, "Do you know who this is?  Probably not.  He's no celebrity; just an ordinary Canadian."

And if that's not enough to entice you, we're next told he's "just a husband and father" and "just someone who's in it for Canada, not headlines".

The 30 second spot then concludes with the narrator saying, he's "just Erin."

So yes, the message seems to be, if you're looking for a dynamic, exciting and charismatic leader, better vote for Trudeau, because O'Toole sure ain't that guy.

He's just an "ordinary" Canadian.

Not exactly inspiring stuff, if you ask me.

OK, before Conservative strategists start jumping on me, let me say, I actually do get what the Conservatives are trying to do here.

They probably figure Canadians are tired of Trudeau's photo op, "look at me I'm a star" style of leadership, and thus are ready for a more grounded, more serious leader to take over the reins of government.

Additionally, they likely also realize O'Toole is not exactly a rock star persona, so they're trying to make a virtue out of necessity.

Their motto might as well be, "Now more than ever, Canada needs boring leadership and our guy is the boringest."

This is the same sort of strategy, of course, the Conservatives used to promote O'Toole's predecessor, Andrew Scheer.

Scheer, they kept pointing out to us, was just a run-of-the-mill, boring, suburban dad.

Needless to say, that approach didn't work for Scheer, and I doubt it'll work for O'Toole.

Why do I say that?

Well, simply put, voters don't want an "ordinary" Canadian running the country, they want someone who's above the herd, someone they can look up to, someone they can believe in.

Or to put that another way, they want a strong leader.

Ronald Reagan, for instance, was successful not because he went around telling everybody he was just a regular guy, but because he put himself forward as a charismatic and tough leader who would strengthen America to resist the Soviet Union.

Likewise, George W. Bush didn't say "I'm just a husband", he promised to squash international terrorism.

And Donald Trump played up his celebrity and was all about "Draining the swamp," a tactic which energized and mobilized millions.

My point is, when it comes to leaders, voters don't want mediocrity, they want extraordinary.

So for the life of me, I can't understand why the Conservatives aren't pushing a more appealing version of O'Toole.

After all, with his military background O'Toole could easily brand himself as the kind of disciplined, hard-as-nails, courageous leader Canada needs during this time of pandemic and economic uncertainty.

All they need to do is show a TV ad featuring O'Toole looking determined while wearing his uniform.

Easy peasy.

Certainly, I'd say that would be a better tactic than running an ad that begins by bragging about how nobody has ever heard of your bland leader.

Mind you, none of this is to say O'Toole can't win the next federal election.

But if he does prevail, it'll be despite their current communication strategy, not because of it.

Photo Credit: Maclean's

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Even in the dire circumstances of Covid and energy sector woes, the Alberta government had a chance to signal a plan for pivoting the provincial economy into the future in its spring budget.

By continuing to trim back funding to the post-secondary sector, the United Conservative Party fumbled its opportunity.

Picking and choosing private sector beneficiaries for taxpayer support is always an iffy proposition.  Look at the big splash of red ink on the Alberta books created by direct investment in the Keystone XL pipeline.

But government does have broad levers available in the public sector to create paths to a more sustainable future.  Education spending is not just a social good, it's a driver of investment and innovation.

Businesses in the industries of the future artificial intelligence, health technology and research locate where the workforces are well educated and the opportunities for public-private collaborations are robust.

And yet, the 2021 Alberta budget trims 6.2 per cent in postsecondary spending, with a resulting 750 job losses.

The rationale for the funding dip is the government's plan to require post secondary institutions to ultimately raise 52 per cent of their operating budgets from their own sources of revenue.  This year they are expected to come up with 47 per cent.  In 2018-19 they funded 43 per cent.

These incremental cuts will bring Alberta into line with the middle of the pack of Canadian provinces, argues Premier Jason Kenney.

At one time Alberta was proud to declare itself in the forefront of public spending on those big quality items like education and health.  No more.  Alberta bean counters want no part of being at the top of the heap.

Oh yes, there is a mounting deficit the province must deal with.  Conservatives love small government and minimal public sector workforces.  What better way to get back to fiscal health than hit public institutions?

In a province with a desperate need to diversify and expand its knowledge economy, cutting post secondary institutions is exactly the wrong way to balance the budget.

The University of Calgary says the budget is taking $25 million out of its operating total, which means the total budget for the university has been cropped by 18 per cent since 2019.

U of C has reduced its workforce, frozen wages, increased tuition, dropped projects and reduced spending on travel and events.

University of Alberta President Bill Flanagan says U of A is being asked to shoulder close to half the province's post secondary budget cut, even though only 25 per cent of post secondary students in the province attend U of A.

The U of A says efforts to raise its own funds to offset the provincial grant chop are limited by government red tape.  The government has put a seven per cent cap on tuition increases.

All post secondary institutions are also faced with a revolt by students and their parents about tuition costs which don't reflect the diminished quality of the educational experience created by Covid restrictions and online learning.

On top of those woes, the province has decided to proceed with a plan to create a new set of metrics by which it will judge the worth of postsecondary institutions in the province.  Performance-based funding will be disbursed based on the UCP's view of how a college or university is doing in terms of benchmarks including the employment and income of grads and administrative expense ratios.

That's a lot of hands-on intervention given the government's waning contribution to post-secondary financial health.

Kenney and his cabinet have begun paying lip-service to the need to change the essential mix of Alberta's economy.  There are various programs handing dough to companies to retrain their workforces, grow their footprint and "innovate".

But, pulling back the focus, it's tough to see how starving post secondary fits into any longterm diversification strategy.  The short-sighted chainsawing of the public payroll may satisfy hardline fiscal conservatives, but it does nothing for a longterm strategy to boost the province into the future.

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The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Dear Erin:

You don't mind me calling you Erin, do you?  After your toilet video, I feel like I'm never, ever going to have to address you as "Prime Minister O'Toole."  So Erin it is.

You remember the toilet video, don't you?  You should.  It may be recent, or it may be from a previous Conservative leadership contest.  Who knows.

It doesn't matter, however, because it is so cringe-worthy, so puerile, so idiotic, it actually is eternal.  One hundred years from now, when Canada has finally acquired sufficient vaccine doses to be injected into the waiting arms of more than three per cent of the population, your toilet video will be studied.

"Observe, class.  Here is how Erin O'Toole lost," the future political science professor will say, likely in Mandarin, because Justin Trudeau wanted it to become an official language.  "Watch this video, and see how Erin O'Toole could not score on the biggest, emptiest net."

In the video, which I recommend no one see because it will depress them, you a grown man are standing in front of Langevin Block, which houses the Office of the Prime Minister.  And then you amble over to an outhouse that is nearby, and you chortle that this is where you are going to put Justin Trudeau.

Now, Erin, you are not the first Conservative leader to be felled by bad visuals.  There was Stock Day, who put on a wet suit and rode a jet-ski to his doom at a press conference.  (Seriously, he did that.)

There was Joe Clark, who walked into a bayonet, or just about did, while on an international trip.  (Yes. Happened.)

And there was Andrew Scheer, your immediate predecessor, who looked like a small-town insurance salesman, even though he wasn't even able to credibly claim to being that.  (Or, as it turned out, a Canadian without dual citizenship somewhere else.)

And now there's you, a guy who aspires to the highest office in the land.  Who makes official video-tapes about toilets.

Oh, and were you in the Armed Forces?  I don't think you've told us that 100 times yet today, Erin, like you do it every other day.

Erin, listen: listen.  You could be Prime Minister, but we're not so sure you want to be, anymore.  Maybe you like Stornoway a lot.

But consider this: your opponent has spectacularly, indisputably screwed up the simplest of simple tasks.  Buy vaccines, buy them early.  He couldn't do either.  Because of that, Canadians will die who weren't supposed to die just yet.

We are now somewhere near sixtieth in the world for vaccines.  We are dipping into the Third World's supply, because your opponent has no soul and because he screwed everything up.  And more than 70 per cent of Canadians are mad at the government and almost half of them saying they're really, really mad.

You?  You haven't benefitted politically from that stuff at all.  At all.  In fact, some astonished pollsters say you've dropped a bit.  If an election is held anytime soon, you are going to lose it.

Wakey, wakey, Erin.  Time to make some big changes.  Staff firings?  Caucus exiling?  Policy gutting?  Whatever it takes, you need to do it, and do it fast.  Politics is a blood sport, and you need to spill some of your own people.

Stephen Harper fired 100 staffers when he was Opposition leader, and he won.  My former boss Jean Chrétien, too: canned a terrible chief of staff, made some big changes, won the election.

You need to do likewise.  Quite a bit is riding on the next election, in case you haven't noticed.  Get with it, Erin.

Or, keep making toilet videos.

The choice is yours, Erin.

Yours sincerely,

Warren

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The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


As we close in on the one-year mark of the global pandemic, it has become clear that there is a pervasive belief that the prime minister has super powers or rather, that he should, if he just wishes hard enough for something to happen.  As it turns out, there's a term for this in the United States known as the Green Lantern Theory, stemming from the comic book character (and film of the same name, starring Canadian Ryan Reynolds) whose green ring is capable of creating green energy projections whose only limits are the wearer's willpower and imagination.  The political theory, of course, is that a president can achieve any political or policy objective if he only tries hard enough or uses the right tactics.  Sound familiar in our own context?

The theory, articulated by Dartmouth political scientist Brendan Nyhan, actually comes in two variants the Reagan version, and the LBJ version.  In the former, if the president can only communicate well enough, the public will rally to his side; in the latter, the president only needs to try harder to win over congress to vote through his agenda.  Neither of those are quite specific enough to the current Canadian context, where prime minister Justin Trudeau only needs to try hard enough to magically solve the problems facing this country.

For example, if you listen to the Conservatives, if Trudeau simply tried harder, he could make Pfizer's vaccine plant retooling happen faster, or immediately solve Moderna's supply chain issues, and we could have enough vaccine for the entire country in the blink of an eye.  Or if he tried hard enough, he could force President Biden to change his mind on the Keystone XL pipeline (though the Conservatives also seem to believe that the prime minister also needs to throw more public temper tantrums, and make performative displays of screaming and crying to show the Americans, or pharmaceutical company CEOs for that matter, that he's really serious).

For the NDP, they seem to believe that if Trudeau tries hard enough and exerts more willpower, he can overcome any barrier in the constitution and override provincial jurisdiction, whether that's on rent, paid sick leave, pharmacare, dental coverage, or long-term care.  It's not that it would be unconstitutional, or that it would poison the well of federalism, or that he would be declaring war on the provinces he simply doesn't care enough about those issues to exert that much willpower that his green ring will make these magical policies happen.  And so on.

While Green Lantern Theory emerged in the US as part of the popular imagination that the executive is far more powerful than it actually is (structurally, it's very weak because of the way their constitution was framed), in Canada, that doesn't quite hold because our executive is far more powerful most especially if there is a majority parliament, though that isn't the current make-up of the House of Commons.  Nevertheless, in the current pandemic context where all of the attention has been focused on the prime minister (to the detriment of premiers, who should be held to greater account given that they have much more responsibility for healthcare and lockdown orders), Green Lantern Theory seems to be emerging out of frustration with federalism, particularly given that we are bombarded with constant demands for Trudeau to invoke the Emergencies Act to take over areas of provincial jurisdiction.

Of course, just as Green Lantern Theory falls apart in the US once it comes into contact with the realities of their congressional system, so too does it fall apart in Canada when confronted with the fact that even though our executive is stronger, the number of levers available to the federal government are particularly limited.  There is no invoking the Emergencies Act because, aside from going to war with provinces who want no part of it, we haven't even met the basic threshold in the definition in the Act of what constitutes a national emergency, which is that the urgent and critical situation endangering the lives, health or safety of Canadians "is of such proportions or nature as to exceed the capacity or authority of a province to deal with it."  The capacity or authority of the provinces has not been exceeded.  The only thing that is lacking is the political will of premiers to take the necessary actions, whether it's rent relief, paid sick leave, or instituting proper lockdowns to prevent transmission of the virus.

Because Trudeau has demonstrated a willingness to do what is necessary to get Canadians through this pandemic, and spend any amount of money, there seems to be a belief that this can somehow extend to all areas, even those outside of his jurisdiction.  And to his credit, he has certainly attempted to fill gaps where they appear, such as kludging together the federal sickness benefit where provinces won't implement paid sick leave, or similarly in kludging disability benefits from what few levers he has available.  But because he is bound by those few levers the federal government has at his disposal, he has raised expectations that he can do more if he simply has enough willpower, which isn't how this works.  The constitution is a very real thing that prevents him from reaching into provinces' areas of jurisdiction.

The prime minister doesn't have unlimited powers, and it would be a very bad thing if he did.  He is not constrained by the limits of his willpower he is constrained by a constitution and a federal structure that is one of the most decentralized in the world.  Falling into Green Lantern Theory is both delusional in believing that politics works in a way that is divorced from reality, but when employed by opposition party leaders, it is also a cynical exercise in trying paint the government as being unwilling to take actions that they simply cannot do, and is making promises that these other leaders could not keep.  Justin Trudeau does not have a magic green ring we need to stop pretending otherwise.

Photo Credit: The Things

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Eleven months is an excruciatingly long time, it turns out.  But that's how long we've been living in the pandemic.  And it's also how we've been swirling around the same attitudes.

Take this week when a video of an absurdly long line at a York-region Homesense started circulating on Twitter.  Outrage was rampant.  'How could people be so selfish to go get home decor — in a pandemic, no less!'  the tenor of the outrage went.

Ultimately, this line of thinking buys into what premiers have been trying to sell from the start: the severity of the pandemic is our fault, not theirs.  People are doing something explicitly permitted by the government, so what's the use at getting upset at them?

For months now, leaders have tried to voluntarily curb our activities for the good of safety, while at the same time refusing to make those suggestions orders until well after it's clear the voluntary measures have failed.

So why are we so mad at these people?

I can't help but feel the outrage is misplaced.  People have been taking the implicit message in the decision to re-open stores: It wasn't safe before, but it is now.  Why else would stores be open?

The people to blame for this aren't standing in line, they're sitting in Queen's Park.

By pointing anger at the individuals in line, you're letting Premier Doug Ford coast on his decision to open things up.  Diffuse anger is a useless political force.  It's not going to accomplish anything, and it's not going to make you feel any better.

There is a line somewhere that separates what is unacceptable even if it is permitted.  Besides, expecting us to get out of this pandemic with a reliance on people's perfect selflessness just isn't going to happen.  Not now, not anymore.

It might have been possible earlier in the pandemic.  There was a moment, a fleeting one, where "We're all in this together" didn't seem like completely naive bullshit.

That time has long passed.  We've seen now the craven underbelly of our own rotten world.  And that cravenness is most fetid right at the top.

Once the first reopening took place, there was a clear message from our leaders.  If you're spending money, getting together with other people is just fine.  There's nothing clearly happening in this video that's far outside the lines of public health guidelines.  This isn't a mass of anti-mask lunatics, storming a mall.  It's people waiting in a line, more or less on their distance marks.  (Amusingly, the person who took the video is one of many people walking opposite to the direction arrows pasted on the floor.)

It's easy to get mad at a bunch of people lined up buying pillows and sheets and pictures for the living room wall.  (It veers quickly into what you might call a bit of casual sexism, with sneering at "suburban wine moms.")

Shaming people hasn't proved to be a very useful tactic in fighting the virus.  If it was, surely we would have tweeted our rage at random people and found our way out of COVID by now.

But we haven't.

We have been locked away in some form or another for these 11 months.  That's an achingly long time.  And so I'm having a difficult time seeing these people as the enemy.

Premiers have been giving us mixed signals for as long as COVID has been with us.  The whole time, they've essentially been telling us to take the bus, all the while building highway lanes.

We know by now how ineffective it is to ask people to stop doing things voluntarily.  If it isn't safe for people to be shopping, then shopping should not be permitted.

But it's not entirely clear to me this is the most egregious thing to be doing.

At some point the logic of "if it's allowed, people are fine to do it" breaks down.  I'm not sure exactly where the line falls.  Air travel, especially international pleasure travel, is clearly irresponsible.  (This is why strict and costly quarantine measures make sense, even if they're months late in coming about.)

Indoor dining is another that probably falls beyond the pale even if it is allowed.  But it probably shouldn't be allowed.

This is where things get fuzzy.  And one of the big problems is we all have an internal line in the sand we've drawn.  Where it lies can vary widely.  I haven't had a meal inside a restaurant since last March, the night things really seemed to fall apart.  But just last week I put on two masks and went for a haircut, soon after the barber opened up.

You wouldn't find me in a Homesense line that long, the place isn't my jam.  You probably wouldn't find me in any place that is crowded right now, masks or not.  I find it deeply uncomfortable to be among so many people for any length of time these days.

But I've waited in some pretty long grocery lines.  Could I have gone at a different time?  Maybe.  Is that more acceptable because buying food is more important than buying housewares?  Perhaps.  But is there an actual difference in safety or risk if I'm waiting in an IGA instead of a Homesense?  I'm not so sure.

This is why the individual responsibility model of pandemic response cannot work.  This personal risk assessment we all take part in, deciding what is worth leaving the house for and what isn't, is no way to fight a collective problem like COVID.

We have governments with both the information and the power to know what is safe and what isn't.  If they aren't doing their job, it's not the fault of the governed for that failure.  The failure lies with the people making the decisions.

I'll save my ire for them.

Photo Credit:  Forbes

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.