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The Royal Commission on National Development in the Arts, Letters and Sciences, or Massey Commission, was launched on April 8, 1949 by then-Liberal Prime Minister Louis St. Laurent.  The end goal was to grow and enhance Canada’s cultural landscape.

While the Commission acknowledged the importance of public and private strategies, the main focus was on the former.  “[I]t is in the national interest to give encouragement to institutions which express national feeling, promote common understanding and add to the variety and richness of Canadian life, rural as well as urban,” according to the Massey Report released in 1951.  “Good will alone can do little for a starving plant; if the cultural life of Canada is anaemic, it must be nourished, and this will cost money.  This is a task for shared effort in all fields of government, federal, provincial and local.”

Since that time, Canadian governments have concentrated on building arts and culture.  This includes public funding for museums and galleries, newspapers and magazines, orchestras and concert halls, the silver screen and much more.

Has the taxpayers’ money been well spent?  To use a popular French phrase, comme ci comme ça.  There are certainly times when it’s been used wisely, and other moments where the monetary waste is beyond outrageous.

Television has been one of those realms.  Front Page ChallengeHockey Night in CanadaKing of Kensington and The Beachcombers became institutions.  Street LegalSeeing ThingsCorner Gas19-2Schitt’s CreekKim’s Convenience and Heartland were (and are) popular and memorable, too.  There have also been clunkers, including The Trouble with TracySnow JobGeorge and The One: Making a Music Star.

In fairness, not every successful or failed Canadian TV show that I listed above was paid for by taxpayers.  But the never-ending quest to develop ungodly amounts of Canadian content on the boob tube has had its positive and negative attributes.  There have been Canadian versions of U.S. shows like Howdy Doody and Sesame Street that really weren’t necessary to create.  There were also knock-offs like Ricky’s Room, a short-lived children’s series that was a low-rent version of PBS’s Barney & Friends.

However, there have been Canadian shows that received public funding and deserved every single penny.

One that truly stands out is CBC’s Murdoch Mysteries.  It’s based on British-Canadian mystery writer Maureen Jennings’s novels about Detective William Murdoch’s life and career.  Her fictional 19th century protagonist came from a poor family who lived in Nova Scotia.  Raised with a strict Roman Catholic upbringing, he ended up working for the Toronto Constabulary at Station House No. 4 in what was then a distinctly Protestant city.

Murdoch (Yannick Bisson) is depicted as a polymath with a photographic memory.  He uses his superb forensic skills in fingerprint identification, blood testing and locating trace evidence to solve puzzling mysteries and gruesome murders.  He’s often aided by his brilliant wife Dr. Julia Ogden (Hélène Joy), hard-nosed Inspector Thomas Brackenreid (Thomas Craig) and comical Constable George Crabtree (Jonny Harris), among others.

The show was originally developed into three made-for-TV movies for Bravo Canada in 2004 entitled Murder 19C: The Detective Murdoch Mysteries.  Peter Outerbridge starred as the artful detective, but his involvement in another TV series, ReGenesis, paved the way for Bisson to assume the titular role.  Shaftesbury Films created a weekly, hour-long drama series which ran on Citytv between 2008-2012.  It was unexpectedly dropped after the fifth season, but was quickly snapped up by CBC where it’s remained ever since.

For the past fourteen seasons, the episodes have been intriguing and thought-provoking.  There’s good-natured humour, and a few twists and turns until the guilty party has been revealed.  Historical references to Canadian, American and international events and figures are quite common.  There are also less-than-subtle nods to modern times which can be best described as a cross between whimsy and artistic liberty.

Murdoch Mysteries is seen by roughly 1.4 million regular Canadian viewers per episode.  The only program that receives more viewership on the CBC is Hockey Night in Canada.  It’s also been the number-one rated show on Alibi in the UK for several years, and has an audience of about 3.5 million viewers per episode on France 3.  It’s also carried in Greece, Australia, China, Finland, Brazil and several U.S. networks.

There have been prominent guest stars on several episodes, including William Shatner, Sophie McShera, Ed Asner, Colin Mochrie, Arlene Dickinson, Peter Mansbridge and former prime minister Stephen Harper.  The show has won several Canadian Screen Awards Gemini Awards, and earned an International Digital Emmy Award nomination.

Here’s what may be the most impressive fact.  Murdoch Mysteries‘s 200th episode, “Staring Blindly into the Future,” ran last February.  It’s now at 215 episodes and counting.  This makes it one of the most successful long-running Canadian TV series of all time.

When the Massey Report was released 70 years ago, a show like Murdoch Mysteries would have been envisioned as the right product to help promote the “variety and richness of Canadian life” in our arts and culture.  Alas, it’s an example that is few and far between on today’s Canadian TV landscape and the arts in general.

Photo Credit: Kingston Herald

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


We are two weeks away from the federal budget, and the one thing we do know about it is that it will heavily focus on child care as part of this government's commitment to inclusive growth and addressing the "she-session" that the pandemic has brought about.  Because the key to combatting the effect that this economic downturn has had on women's participation in the workplace is early learning and child care, the government already started laying the plans for this in the fall economic update, but the urgency of the economic situation is likely to see an acceleration of their plans contingent, of course, on getting the buy-in of the provinces, which is going to be the real trick.

The first thing we need to remember is that early learning and child care is solely an area of provincial jurisdiction, even more so than healthcare.  That makes it difficult for any federal government to have a meaningful impact in the child care space, and why federal governments particularly Liberal ones have been signing bilateral agreements with provinces and territories to work on improving their child care situations.  After the Paul Martin Liberal government signed bilateral agreements with all of the provinces and territories on advancing a national child care program, Stephen Harper's Conservatives came to power and ripped up those agreements, so that their funding would lapse after a single year, and most provinces didn't wind up bothering to create the spaces only to have their funding dry up right away.

Instead of child care, the Conservatives offered a pittance in direct funding to families under the rubric of "choice," as Rona Ambrose and Diane Finley recited that in many families, they would rather have grandma do the babysitting rather than some institutional facility (because that is how they tend to describe provided spaces).  Additionally, their tax credit for new child care spaces was such a resounding success that it was responsible for the creation of approximately zero spaces across the country, so well done there.  And based on that record of "success," Andrew Scheer tried to promise their recreation during the last election, continuing to play up the "choice" narrative.

The problem with trying to posit this as a matter of choice for families is that there is a major supply-side problem in Canada when it comes to child care spaces, most especially high-quality spaces that are licenced by the province.  These are the kinds of spaces that the federal government has been trying to encourage the creation of more of, but this is the difficult part to do the federal government can send money to provinces, but without proper strings attached that are tied to outcomes with the creation of these kinds of spaces, and the positions of educators and child care providers.  Provinces don't like strings attached to federal transfers, and some provinces are particularly uninterested in institutionalized child care because their conservative-leaning premiers have an ideological opposition to it.  They can't keep claiming to offer "choice" to families if there aren't adequate spaces for them to choose to engage, which is why it's not enough to simply offer direct payment to families to access services that don't exist.

In the fall economic update, Chrystia Freeland made a particular point to talk about the need to invest in child care for economic growth, pointing out the success of doing so in Quebec, and as a way of counter-acting the "she-cession" of this economic downturn.  While Budgets 2016 and 2017 had invested $7.5 billion over 11 years for provinces to assist with subsidies for families and for the creation of affordable spaces, particularly for those who need them in non-traditional working hours, it's clear that more is planned because more is needed.

"Budget 2021 will lay out the plan to provide affordable, accessible, inclusive and high-quality child care from coast to coast to coast," the document states.  "This will also include enhanced support for before- and after-school care for older children in order to provide all parents with the flexibility needed to balance work and family."

This is what we should be looking for in their plans.  They got a head start in the fiscal update, putting $4.3 million per year over five years toward the creation of a Federal Secretariat on Early Learning and Child Care, whose aim is to "bring governments, experts and stakeholders together to collaborate in designing and implementing this new child care vision for Canada," on top of an additional funds going toward Indigenous child care systems.

This is where we see a debate in the policy community around what this spending should look like a "big bang" of conditional cash transfers to provinces that would mean grater federal involvement including national standards and expanded provincial programs, much in the model that Quebec has successfully created, or an "aggressive incremental" approach that would see existing tax credits reformed, and that federal dollars be consolidated in to dedicated permanent transfers to increase the supply of licenced child care spaces (as opposed to letting provinces expand unlicensed facilities).  The former has the benefit of creating the quality spaces that are in demand, but will be much harder to get provinces to sign onto, while the latter has the benefit of building on existing systems that can happen more quickly.

Suffice to say, whatever additional funds and proposals are in the budget, we need to remember that the plans will be contingent on the cooperation of provinces, and that no federal government can depend on provinces simply saying yes to "free money," because it's not actually free.  No doubt we will hear that their plans are either too prescriptive, or that they're not good enough and that they should be more aggressive, as though federal "leadership" is the kind of Green Lantern magic that will make everything happen through sheer willpower.  This government has a tough challenge ahead of it to make these quality child care spaces a reality, and I await the carrots and sticks that Freeland will plan to wield.

 

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.