LP_468x60
ontario news watch
on-the-record-468x60-white
and-another-thing-468x60

The Alberta legislature in May 2020.

Congratulations, proud Albertans. You will soon have the power to fire a politician in mid-term, via recall legislation.

But will you actually manage to get rid of anybody? Not likely at all.

Alberta’s Recall Act is based on British Columbia’s legislation, which had public support when it was adopted in the 1990s.

But in the 25 years since, only one person has been deprived of political employment through recall.

Here’s a summary of misfires from the Elections B.C. website:

“The Chief Electoral Officer has approved 26 recall petitions since the Recall and Initiative Act came into force in 1995.

“Six of those petitions were returned to Elections BC for verification.

“Of the six, five did not have enough valid signatures and one was halted during the verification process because the member resigned.”

OK, one MLA threw in the towel rather than fight on. But overall, that’s a pathetic haul of unpopular politicians.

The B.C. experience shows that the process —

soon to be Alberta's process

— is too arduous and complicated.

People get mad at an MLA or hope to take out a partisan grudge but soon stumble on the many hurdles, lose interest and give up.

The B.C. tally shows, remarkably, that in a quarter-century not a single petition garnered enough signatures to proceed to the next step, a formal vote on whether to recall the politician.

Alberta’s law is much the same. It will work (or rather, not work) like this:

First, a person annoyed with their MLA must give the chief electoral officer a 200-word summary of their complaints.

If the electoral officer feels this “meets requirements,” a petition will be approved.

Then the malcontent and friends must get signatures from 40 per cent of the eligible voters in that riding, within 60 days. That’s a very high bar to clear.

If there are enough valid signatures, a vote is held to decide if the person should be recalled.

An MLA who loses that vote by a simple majority is then out but can also run in the byelection to choose a replacement.

This is not just tortuous and clumsy, but very expensive.

Did you really think politicians would pass a law making it easy to fire them?

But on Monday the UCP made this sound like the Magna Carta, saying Bill 52 finally puts regular folks in the “driver’s seat” where they can exercise their right to “people power.”

In reality, it’s window-dressing for the direct democracy crowd that doesn’t think regular democratic elections are good enough.

But while the provisions for MLAs are mostly for show, the rest is far worse.

Alberta will be the first province to extend recall to municipal councillors and school board trustees.

Now, a lot of people would love to hoist Calgary city councillors and Calgary Board of Education trustees out of their chairs. The province, in fact, already has the power to do that.

 Pictured is Calgary City Hall on Friday, Nov. 20, 2020.

That’s not enough, says the UCP. Citizens should also have the right to eject the people they elected.

But there is a big difference — an unfair difference — between the pathways for ejecting provincial and municipal politicians.

A successful petition would bring immediate ejection of a trustee or councillor. There would be no recall vote.

They can lose their post because 40 per cent of the defined voting pool signed a petition. Local politicians could actually be ejected in mid-term by a

minority

of voters.

None of this is likely to have much practical effect, because the signature thresholds are so high that petitions are unlikely to succeed in the first place. This gives the UCP freedom to write a bad law for show.

Alberta has a history with recall. The Social Credit government enacted it soon after being elected in 1935.

But when Premier William Aberhart himself was seriously challenged in his Okotoks-High River riding, the government repealed the law.

Aberhart’s only mistake was to write a recall law that was going to work. This will not happen twice.

Don Braid's column appears regularly in the Calgary Herald.

dbraid@postmedia.com

Twitter:

@DonBraid

Facebook:

Don Braid Politics


It seems, when it comes to keeping his party united, Conservative Party leader Erin O'Toole will require the wisdom of Solomon.

After all, on the one hand, O'Toole wants to convince Canadians that he's "pro-choice" on the question of abortion, while on the other, he wants to keep the "pro-life" elements of his party's base loyal.

For sure, it'll be a difficult square to circle … or should that be a difficult circle to square?

Anyway, the geometry doesn't matter; what does matter is O'Toole, if he employs the right approach, can be pro-choice while keeping his Christian soldiers happily marching.

And I'm going to tell you how.

But before we get to the nitty gritty of tactics, we need to first ask ourselves why O'Toole would believe it's important for him to emphasize his pro-choice credentials?

The answer to that question, of course, can be expressed in two words: Andrew Scheer.

My point is, it's widely believed that in the last federal election voters turned against Scheer (who was then Conservative Party leader) mainly because his devout adherence to Roman Catholicism led to fears that he planned to institute a modern-day version of the Spanish Inquisition.

As one-time Conservative Cabinet Minister (and later Conservative leadership candidate) Peter Mackay so subtlety put it, socially conservative values were "thrust on the agenda and hung around Andrew Scheer's neck like a stinking albatross."

Hence, in order to avoid the political encumbrance of having a metaphorical fetid fowl dangling from his body, O'Toole is determined to brand himself as a secular, non-threatening, religiously generic, leader.

The hope behind this strategy is clear; O'Toole wants to attract new voters (especially those voters who might be socially liberal but fiscally conservative) to the Conservative camp.

Sounds like a good strategy to be sure, but the danger it poses is equally clear: by wooing socially liberal voters, O'Toole might also alienate social conservatives, people who are already at this side.

Now it should be noted that social conservatives are not nearly as powerful a political force here in Canada as they are in the United States.

I know that from personal experience.

Years ago, I was working for a guy running in a Republican Senate primary whose pro-choice stance made him a target for pro-life Christian groups, who went after him with a savage multi-media attack ad campaign.

Believe me, these Christians could brawl.

Such a thing, could not happen to O'Toole.

But even though they're small in number, social conservatives are still an important part of the Conservative voting coalition; they tend to be disciplined and passionate, meaning they can be counted upon to punch above their weight; they work hard for the party, they make donations to the party and most importantly, they get out and vote for the party.

In short, losing their allegiance could hurt the Conservatives.

That's why it'll be important for O'Toole to try his best to keep social conservatives on board, even as he's trumpeting his pro-choice views.

Fortunately for him, there's template on how he can do that.

All he needs to do is follow the example of former Conservative Prime Minister Stephen Harper.

Harper, keep in mind, was a social moderate.  (Yes, I know that will shock a lot of people in the media, who kept trying to push the narrative that he was some sort of wild-eyed, religious fanatic.  But I worked with the guy for five years, I know.)

As a matter of fact, during his time as prime minister, Harper did next to nothing to advance a social conservative agenda in Canada.

Yet, despite that he managed to keep social conservatives loyal.

The way he did it was easy, he simply treated social conservatives with respect.

That's to say, he never talked down to them or downplayed their values or beliefs, he never referred to their ideals as a "stinking albatross."

He even ended his speeches with the phrase "God save Canada."

And every once in a while, he threw social conservatives a tiny bone, like when he ended the policy of paying for global abortion services.

At any rate, my point is, with careful messaging, O'Toole can appeal to both social liberals and to social conservatives.

Mind you, when it comes to winning the election, O'Toole still might need a prayer or two.

Photo Credit: CBC News

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.