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News that the Liberal government plans to keep raising the federal carbon price over the next decade in order to meet our 2030 Paris targets was met with howls of outrage, mostly from both federal and provincial conservatives, for whom this was going to be "devastating" for the economy and families, and how this was going to mean another 37 cents a litre when they fill up their cars, and that this was the worst possible time to do this given the economic devastation that this pandemic has wrought.  Beyond the hyperbole, we also saw a whole new tranche of lies being promulgated by several prominent conservatives.

Ontario premier Doug Ford called the planned increase a "sledgehammer" on working people and "the worst thing you'll ever see."

"You're paying 30 per cent more for everything, not just gas, food, cosmetics, services, restaurants," Ford said, and called the plan a "30 percent tax grab."

Erin O'Toole sent out several shitpost tweets, saying things like "Conservatives won't stand for tax hikes in the middle of a pandemic," and blasted the federal government for not freezing the planned price increase for January 1st, citing BC having done so but neglecting to mention that BC's price was already at the level that the rest of the country will catch up to with this next increase.  O'Toole also claimed, however, that the party supported reaching net-zero emissions by 2050, but how exactly they plan to do that without a carbon price or magic is anyone's guess.

Former Conservative leader Andrew Scheer was even more egregious in his false characterization of the plan, tweeting "Now we know how the Liberals will pay for their massive deficits.  Trudeau announced the Carbon Tax is going from $50 to $170.  That's over 300%.  Hang on to your wallets!"

The obvious lie here is that these revenues don't stay in federal coffers rather, they are returned to the province they are collected in, and if those provinces don't have a framework in place looking at you Ontario, Alberta, Saskatchewan, and Manitoba then they are rebated to individual Canadians.  And in fact, part of the plan that was announced was that the rebates would be front-loaded quarterly instead of annually, so that they do more to off-set the increased costs for low-income Canadians.

Ford, O'Toole, Scheer they all know that there are rebates, but would rather lie to people in order to make them irrationally angry.  Scheer used to stand up in the House of Commons and scream that this carbon price was going to be used to pay for the Liberals' "out of control spending," and that when pointed out to him about the rebates, he would cry "Nobody believes that!"  Until it happened, and lo, the rebates appeared with people's tax returns, but he apparently hasn't stopped the lie in the face of all evidence to the contrary.  Live by the shitpost, die by the shitpost.

Of course, it becomes incumbent upon this government to clearly communicate what this price and these rebates mean in terms of incentivizing people to reduce their emissions.  The rebate is a fixed amount, which means people should be looking for ways to maximize it by finding ways to reduce the amount they pay.  One good analogy is that when you go to the bar, and someone at the door tells you that the price of Blue has gone up by $5, but hands you a $5 bill to compensate for it.  You could buy Blue and break even, or you could buy another beer at the old price, and pocket the $5. The same principle applies but I'm not sure that we've seen this kind of messaging from the government.  Instead, they keep repeating that the economy and the environment go hand-in-hand, as though that explains anything.

And explaining the thinking is obviously necessary, because there are people who say things in all sincerity like "We have a carbon tax, so why is climate change still happening?"  Or who believes that the revenues carbon price is somehow going to do something to reduce emissions, somehow.  Nobody (other than economists) wants to talk about price incentives.  The NDP, for example, rails that this kind of carbon price just punishes regular Canadians and doesn't go after "big polluters" without actually grasping that this is about targeting the demand-side of the equation, and that most of those "big polluters" are really just responding to market demand.  I'm not sure I've yet heard the Justin Trudeau or a member of his government actually articulate why market-based mechanisms like carbon prices tend to work by reducing demand (and if they have articulated, it, it was a one-time thing).

But it's this absence of easy to understand messaging about the rationale for the price that helps to allow the Conservatives, both federal and provincial, to lie as brazenly as they do.  The government also seems to be relying on the media to explain it for them, and the media seems more interested in framing things in a way that are unhelpful, including the very description of the carbon levy or price as a "tax," which sets up particular expectations and connotations, and they privilege voices like those of the Canadian Taxpayers Federation, which spins carbon prices in a particularly negative light rather than as a market-based mechanism.  And after five years, you'd think that the government would get the hint that leaving the explaining to the media isn't working for them, and yet they persist.

Which is where we find ourselves with regards to this latest announcement on increasing the carbon price to make a serious attempt at reaching our Paris targets.  The focus on the increases as opposed to the rebates and the rationale in the media makes it easier for conservatives, federal and provincial, to lie about what it means for Canadians.  If we want to be serious about climate change and reaching our targets, we should remember that communicating effectively and debunking the lies is crucial to getting everyone on board.

Photo Credit: Climate Change The New Economy

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


As many people get ready for Christmas (me included), and others celebrate festive holidays like Hanukkah and Kwanzaa, the political realm will wind down for a spell.  This gives us time to focus on other subjects, like hockey!

The 2020-2021 NHL season had been tentatively scheduled to start on Jan. 1 due to COVID-19.  That's been pushed back until Jan. 13, with the annual Winter Classic and All-Star Game both postponed until 2022.

With Pfizer and Moderna's COVID-19 vaccines both approved for public use, these small interludes will gradually become a thing of the past.  One thing that won't disappear is Canada's intense passion for hockey, from its fan base to the media conglomerates that want to broadcast NHL games.

Canada is the NHL's biggest media market.  While television networks like CTV, Global and TSN have carried games, the CBC has had the longest and most successful association.  Its seminal program, Hockey Night in Canada, is a national institution in the Great White North.

Our nation's broadcast history can be traced back to 1923, a mere six years after the NHL's inception, with the introduction of Toronto Maple Leafs games on radio.  Those rights were sold by Leafs owner Conn Smythe to Jack MacLaren in 1929 for the princely sum of $500 over a nine-hole round of golf.  The MacLaren Advertising owner started broadcasting games after Maple Leaf Gardens was built in 1931 on a national radio show, General Motors Hockey Broadcast.  The Canadian National Railway Radio initially carried them, but its assets were sold to the Canadian Radio Broadcasting Commission in 1933.  This, in turn, was dissolved in 1936 and became the CBC.

Yet, as Globe and Mail sportswriter David Shoalts noted in Hockey Fight in Canada: The Big Media Faceoff over the NHL (2018), "An oddity about the show is the CBC never actually owned it until 1994."  MacLaren Advertising actually owned Hockey Night for most of this period, although it was produced in conjunction with the CBC.  They sold it to Molstar Communications in 1986, and CBC finally purchased it eight years later.

That's rather fascinating, when you think about it.

When the broadcasting rights went up for grabs in 2013, the CBC entered a bidding war with Bell Media and Rogers Media.  The two new contenders were fully aware the CBC couldn't make a significant financial bid.  The Conservative government led by then-prime minister Stephen Harper had taken the fiscally prudent step of reducing the public broadcaster's billion-dollar budget to help make the marketplace more competitive.  (Shoalts's depiction of the CBC being "beleaguered by funding cuts from a hostile Stephen Harper government" may earn sympathy from left-wing boosters, but that's not even close to reality.)  Most sports analysts still believed the CBC would be in the mix in a reduced capacity.

The Bell vs. Rogers battle for Canada's hockey kingdom is, and remains, an intriguing story in its own right.

Bell was confident or overconfident, to be frank throughout the entire negotiation process.  Its proposed model of a "multi-night, multi-network," along with the "possibility of a sub-licensing deal with the CBC," was reportedly offered so it didn't have to consider "disrupting CTV's profitable prime-time schedule for eight weeks in the spring during the playoffs."  Bell also didn't see Rogers "as a big threat," according to Shoalts, and assumed "their rival would buy a Sunday-night package from the NHL."

They couldn't have been more wrong.

Rogers was ready to become a real player in media broadcasting.  The network already had the regional rights to five of the seven Canadian NHL clubs, or more than 200 games during the regular season.  Senior Rogers leadership gradually shifted to a gatekeeper model, even though it would be a costly, risky venture.  They signed up a strong French Canadian partner in the guise of Quebecor's TVA Sports, which was only a couple of years old "but was aggressively looking for programming in order to catch up to Bell Media's RDS."

It was Rogers, not Bell, that ended up with the (CDN) $5.2 billion, 12-year national broadcasting contract with the NHL.  The CBC was stunned by this news, but not as much as what they were about to hear.

As Shoalts details in his book, the CBC would "get to keep Hockey Night and its Saturday night doubleheaders," but would "now be controlled by Rogers, along with the advertising revenue."  Rogers required studio and office space in the CBC building, which was "to be provided rent-free."  The CBC would "pay Rogers a certain amount for producing the show," provide CBC-paid technical staff for the telecasts, and receive nothing in return.  There would still be "some room for the network to promote its other shows."

If the CBC didn't agree to these conditions within 48 hours, they would have lost control of Hockey Night.  Unsurprisingly, they gave in.

What will happen next?  One thing seems likely.  When the puck drops in 2025, there will be more hockey fights for the right to broadcast on hockey nights in Canada.

Fortunately, there won't be any fights this Christmas.  Other than who gets the biggest portion of roast turkey, sausage stuffing and fruit cake.  But that's a far more pleasant battle to be conducted in a warm home, not on the cold ice.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.