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An excavator dredges out a channel at the entrance to one of the river diversion tunnels on B.C. Hydro's Site C dam project on the Peace River near Fort St. John in August.

VICTORIA — One of the experts who John Horgan and the New Democrats consulted on the fate of the Site C dam three years ago has come back to argue it would still be cost-effective to cancel the project.

Indeed, energy consultant Robert McCullough suggests the arguments for cancellation are stronger today, given the continuing coverup of geotechnical risks at Site C.

“After 10 months of study, B.C. Hydro has not addressed a number of seismic and design concerns first reported to management in December 2019,” writes McCullough in a report released this week by the Peace Valley Landowners Association. “A careful review indicates that correction of the current problems will delay the in-service date by one year and raise costs by an additional $2.1 billion.”

McCullough tackled the review in the absence of any accounting from either B.C. Hydro or the NDP government on what it will cost to rectify stability problems at Site C, or how long it might take.

Horgan seems determined to get through the election campaign without offering the public even a ballpark estimate. Presuming McCullough’s $2.1-billion estimate is within the ballpark, it would push the completed tab for the project to almost $13 billion.

When the New Democrats decided in late 2017 to complete the project they inherited from the B.C. Liberals, they adopted a budget of $10.7 billion. But Hydro admits that figure is no longer operative. Project costs? “To be determined.” Meanwhile, the publicly owned utility has already spent $5.1 billion, and is going full speed ahead on construction.

McCullough does a good job of explaining the root of the problem — and I do mean “root” — with Site C. It relates directly to the site’s geological unsuitability as a place to construct a giant hydroelectric dam.

“The siting of major hydroelectric projects basically considers geology and cost. The best sites are narrow rocky canyons. These provide large reservoirs and firm footings,” he writes. “Simply put, Site C is not a narrow rocky canyon. The banks are unstable and there is substantial tectonic activity in the area. The surface under the structure is shale — which adds significant risk as well.”

He also flags a concern associated with the chosen method of construction, namely roller-compacted concrete: “This is a cost-effective alternative to traditional construction methods … As opposed to the dam being composed of cement cast in place, roller-compressed cement more closely resembles a layer cake, with layers being laid down sequentially and compressed.”

After initial problems with seepage in other locations, roller-compacted concrete is “now regarded as an established construction practice,” says McCullough.

Except some concerns have been raised about using the practice in places like Site C, where there is a risk of seismic activity.

“A number of articles have questioned the reliability of this approach if exposed to tectonic shocks. The authors are finding that there is a significant risk of sliding or cracking depending on the nature and preparation of the surface under the roller-compacted concrete.”

McCullough was one of six experts selected to brief the cabinet in late 2017 when the New Democrats were deciding whether to complete Site C. The Portland, Ore.-based consultant recommended cancellation, arguing there were cheaper and more readily available renewable energy alternatives.

But the cabinet decided to go ahead, concluding, as Horgan put it at the time: “We just couldn’t see spending $4 billion for nothing.”

Horgan derived the $4-billion writeoff from the $2.1 billion spent to the end of 2017 and the estimated $1.9 billion it would take to shut down construction, pay off contractors and remediate the riverbanks.

At the time, McCullough discounted Horgan’s argument as an example of the “sunk-costs fallacy,” the economics equivalent of throwing good money after bad.

McCullough revived his side of the argument in this week’s report.

“The nature of politics is such that economic analysis in Site C has always considered sunk costs as a critical item in the decision whether to go forward with the project,” writes McCullough. “Economic theory categorically states that sunk costs are, in fact, sunk. They are not part of the analysis in any economic decision.

“In the case of Site C,” he continues, “the basic question is: Can the future costs of Site C compete successfully with alternatives? The clear answer is, no, they cannot.”

He backstops the argument with an updated analysis of current and future energy prices, arguing that wind and solar renewables are cheaper today and will continue to outstrip Site C in any reasonable cost benefit analysis in the future.

Bottom line: “Immediate cancellation of Site C will likely save B.C. Hydro ratepayers $116 million per year, and the savings to ratepayers will grow over time as the cost of solar and wind power continue to drop.”

Debatable? Sure. As are other arguments for and against completion, even at this late stage of construction. But with the government imposing a cone of silence around the current troubles at Site C, McCullough is providing the public with some sense of the possibilities.

As things stand today, the New Democrats show every intention of getting through the election without addressing any of the legitimate concerns raised by McCullough and others.

Only when the votes are counted and Horgan is safely ensconced in office for another four years will the public be given the straight goods about Site C.

vpalmer@postmedia.com 


As the current "hybrid" parliament continues to trundle along, and the normalization of appearance by video starts to nestle in the brains of MPs, while some senators are now demanding the same, there are warning signs of other damage to our institutions that are starting to creep up in places.  As much as some MPs claim that these changes will only be for the duration of the pandemic, I'm not mollified by these assurances given that a number of MPs most of them Liberals have been pushing for these changes years before the pandemic began, and you can bet that they are already looking for ways to make them permanent.  Nevertheless, it's important to enumerate some of those areas so that we can track how things deteriorate.

One of the less obvious ways in which the pandemic is damaging parliament is the massive expansion in constituency services by MPs.  The Samara Centre for Democracy's recent report, Representation in Isolation, surveyed 130 MPs about their experiences during the pandemic and showed a huge increased workload among MPs in their constituencies as they took over a lot of service delivery for constituents when Service Canada centres closed, which is absolutely alarming.  Even more concerning were Samara's recommendations that MPs' offices be further expanded with upgraded technology and dedicated information lines to civil service departments as a means of dealing with this expansion something that should be resisted because the expansion of constituency work is already impacting on the work of MPs to a great extent.

Remember that constituency work is supposed to be in the minority of an MP's duties.  Yes, meeting with constituents to understand their concerns so that they can be represented in parliament is one thing, but the service delivery, particularly when it comes to immigration files, is quite another.  Already too many staff resources are being devoted to these kinds of casefiles, and not enough time to things like studying the Estimates and the Public Accounts, which are the actual core of an MP's job.  The fact that MPs' offices spent the early part of the pandemic replacing Service Canada, and in some cases having the MP pay for travel arrangements for constituents stuck out of country in the rush to repatriate citizens as borders started to close is a red flag that should never have happened, particularly because this can easily cross lines of appropriateness or being ripe for abuse.  There should have been other avenues that could be explored particularly once the government created a special fund for it but MPs should never be the travel agency of last resort for Canadians, regardless of circumstance.

If Samara's suggestions for expanded digital infrastructure for MPs' offices or equivalent for rural areas with poor broadband connectivity and dedicated lines to public service departments are created, these will again become permanent features, not temporary ones.  This will only expand the workload of the MPs' offices, but also add to the expectation that MPs should be doing this kind of work of going around regular civil service channels, thus creating further degradation of the normal channels, and opening new avenues for corruption, where it becomes a game of who you know, or ensuring that you stay in the MP's good books, if you want to have your outcomes delivered by the civil service.  And yet this kind of mission creep never gets mentioned, while MPs and staff, both current and former, flatter themselves about the necessity of this kind of work.

Another warning sign that was buried in the Samara report was about how parties were using communication to their own MPs during the early days of the pandemic, which should be carefully monitored the longer these "hybrid" sittings carry on.  One example cited was how the Bloc Québécois created an "Information Whip" to summarize the daily updates to federal aid programs that were being rolled out, and to provide Q&A documents for MPs to use.  This is great on the surface, but centralizing where information is coming from is a means by which the party leadership can both ensure that MPs are reliant on it, and can control the flow of information in a way that suits their purposes particularly partisan ones.  If MPs rely on this information service provided by their party leader, and it frames programs or supports in a way that fits its narrative best and prior to the pandemic, we did see Conservative MPs sending out misleading mailouts to constituents that complained about the carbon price without mentioning the associated rebates that would more than pay for the price in most households it does a disservice to both the MP and the constituents.

Another warning that was mentioned in the report was a single MP mentioning that virtual caucus meetings make it "difficult for MPs to provide organized dissent."  This is also an important red flag because "hybrid" and virtual meetings for MPs keep them atomized and from being able to compare notes in person, or to persuade one another about issues that they may need to push back against their leadership on.  The longer that MPs continue avoid meeting in person particularly those from outlying regions of the country who are content to not come to Ottawa either because of distance or local travel restrictions related to the pandemic the more that the leader's office is able to expand its influence through the control of information and keeping MPs from organizing in ways that can push back, and that's a huge erosion of what few checks against the leaders' powers that exist currently.

As the pandemic progresses, we'll continue to see stories that praise the hybrid sittings and which will tell all about the benefits, particularly for MPs with small children, and how this is "about time," and "should be here to stay."  The downsides will be either ignored or chalked up to "partisanship" (as the Samara report does in places), which is dangerous for parliament's future.  We should be treating what's happening with caution and exploring the downsides, but there is little appetite for that which makes it all the more important to do.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


This is your daily campaign trail update with everything you need for Oct. 13, 2020.

The B.C. provincial election will be held Oct. 24.

This is your daily campaign trail update with everything you need for Oct. 13, 2020.

This page will be updated throughout the day, with developments added as they happen.


WHERE THE LEADERS ARE TODAY

Sonia Furstenau, Green:  

The Green leader will be at an all candidates debate in Duncan this morning at the Cowichan Performing Arts Centre and then at the leaders debate in the evening.

John Horgan, NDP

: The NDP leader will visit a campaign office during the day and then prepare for the leaders’ debate this evening.

Andrew Wilkinson, Liberal:

The Liberal leader will hold a press conference at 9:30 a.m. on the B.C. Liberal press stage at the Sheraton Wall Centre, 1000 Burrard Street, Vancouver, where he is expected to announce the B.C. Liberals election platform. He will also be at the leader’s debate in the evening.


TWEETS FROM THE TRAIL


GUIDES AND LINKS

• B.C. Election 2020: Stay informed with our daily newsletter, delivered to your inbox every day at noon. Sign up here.

Read the latest news on B.C. Election 2020

Here’s how, where and when to vote

Received a blank ballot? Here’s how to fill it out

What candidates are running in my riding?

Register to vote in the B.C. Election

Find your electoral district


CAMPAIGN TRAIL NEWS

8 p.m. – Post-debate coverage on #BCPoli Live tonight with Rob Shaw

Join Postmedia reporter Rob Shaw on CHEK TV’s #BCPoli Live for post-debate analysis.

Join Postmedia’s 

Rob Shaw

, alongside CHEK TV host 

Joe Perkins

 and the Canadian Press reporter 

Amy Smart

, for #BCPoli Live on CHEK TV Tuesday night at 8 p.m.

The show, airing weekly until the election on Oct. 24, will see the trio go live with analysis of the election, along with breakdowns of key ridings.

5:30 p.m. – B.C. Liberals, NDP and Greens make big promises for child care

Child care has emerged as a top concern for all three of B.C.’s major political parties in this provincial election. Affordability, availability of spaces, training and compensation for workers, and jurisdiction over the child-care file are addressed in the platforms that have been released.

Click here for details from each party’s plan and some expert analysis.

2:30 p.m. – Liberal party leads in Facebook spending since the election was called

The B.C. Liberal party has spent more on Facebook ads since the start of the election campaign than the NDP and the Greens combined, according to a Postmedia analysis of political ads run by the three parties on Facebook and Instagram.

Liberal spending on Facebook ads has been increasing almost daily since the start of the campaign with a one-day peak of $41,000 as of October 13, while spending by the NDP has stabilized at roughly $10,000 per day. The Green party has only been spending a few hundred dollars a day.

Some of the differences can be attributed to party finances. This year’s annual allowance from Elections B.C. was nearly $1.6 million each for the NDP and the Liberals. The Green party received just over $650,000. But the spending patterns also highlight differing election strategies.

11 a.m. – Elections BC reminds voters advance voting begins Thursday

Advance voting for the B.C. provincial election begins this Thursday and runs until Oct. 21.

The advance voting period is seven days this year, up from six in the last provincial election in 2017.

Elections BC says an extra day has been added to give voters more opportunities to vote, and to help reduce numbers in voting places as a pandemic response measure.

Voters should note that some polling stations won’t be open on every advance voting day. Advance voting places will be available from 8 a.m. to 8 p.m. local time on the days they are open.

Elections BC says it has worked with the provincial health officer Dr. Bonnie Henry, and WorkSafeBC to develop safe voting plans. Measures include physical distancing, voting place capacity limits, PPE for election officials, protective barriers, hand sanitizing, and frequent cleaning of surfaces.

To find a voting place residents can check the voter card they receive in the mail or visit 

wheretovote.elections.bc.ca

. Voters can also call Elections BC at 1-800-661-8683.

This year, Elections BC has also received an unprecedented number of requests for vote-by-mail packages.

As of Oct. 13, 680,000 voters had requested mail-in ballots, compared to only 6,517 in the 2017 provincial election. By end of day on Oct. 12, 138,500 completed mail-in ballots had been returned.

9 a.m. –  NDP pledges second medical school at Surrey SFU campus

The B.C. NDP says if re-elected it would launch a second medical school at the Simon Fraser University campus in Surrey.

B.C. NDP candidate for Vancouver-Kingsway Adrian Dix made the campaign pledge, which is included in the party’s platform, Tuesday morning in battleground Surrey, B.C.’s fastest growing city where a few ridings could swing back to the Liberals.

Dix said that the new medical school will be established at Surrey’s SFU but that it will also include learning centres distributed across the Fraser Health Authority.

The school will include a partnership with Fraser Health, and one with the First Nations Health Authority to develop training to meet the needs of Indigenous communities, he added.

Dix said the first graduating class would be in 2023-24. The location makes sense because SFU has land to expand, he added.

B.C.’s only medical school is at UBC in Vancouver.

6:30 p.m. – Three party leaders take part in televised debate

The leaders of B.C.’s three main political parties take the stage Tuesday for the first televised debate of the election, and each stands to gain or lose greatly depending on their performance.

B.C.’s NDP, Liberal and Green leaders will spend 90 minutes fielding questions from moderator Shachi Kurl, while making their pitch directly to voters in one of the highest-profile events of the entire campaign.

The debate, which is organized by a consortium of B.C. broadcasters, will happen in-person but there will be no live audience because of the pandemic.

You can watch the debate live on our website right here at this link beginning at 6:30 p.m.

12 a.m. – B.C. NDP maintain large lead over Liberals heading into debate, election poll finds

As B.C.’s three party leaders head into tonight’s televised debate, a new poll shows John Horgan’s NDP holding a comfortable, double-digit lead over Andrew Wilkinson and the B.C. Liberal party.

According to the Leger poll released this morning, the NDP have the support of 50 per cent of election-eligible adults surveyed, with the Liberals trailing at 35 per cent, and the B.C. Green party at 12 per cent. Those numbers are consistent with a similar Leger poll conducted shortly after the writ dropped on Sept. 24, when the NDP were at 47 per cent and the Liberals at just 31 per cent.


WHAT THE LEADERS ARE SAYING:

Sonia Furstenau, Green:

“This is appalling. If women are not warm in the workplace, we are castigated as rude. If we are friendly, we get this.”

John Horgan, NDP:

“Combined with our COVID benefit, that will be $1,400 to put toward rent, to put toward childcare, to put toward groceries, whatever individuals believe they need to do.”

Andrew Wilkinson, Liberal:

“I understand why many people are upset, and I continue to be committed to doing everything I can to make sure women are welcomed, encouraged, and treated with respect in politics and public life.”


DAILY POLL


SOCIAL MEDIA STUMPING

View this post on Instagram

On Thursday, we were in Shawnigan announcing our plan for resilient communities, including protecting water and watersheds, enhancing food security, and ensuring we have a sustainable approach to forestry management that not only protects our ecosystems but also protects our communities. On Friday, in Nanaimo, we were excited to announce our climate plan – which is actually a plan, unlike the other two parties. It includes ending subsidies to the fossil fuel industry, creating a $1B dollar innovation fund for businesses that are focused on climate solutions, and getting us to a net-zero economy by 2045. In order for communities and the people of B.C. to thrive, we need to ensure we have a sustainable environment and that we are taking real action on climate change. I was joined by Rob Lyon, our candidate for Parksville-Qualicum, Lia Versavel, our candidate in Nanaimo, and Evan Jolicoeur, our candidate for Mid-Island Pacific. Afterwards, we met with the amazing volunteers and supporters who are working hard to get the vote out in those ridings. We finished our day back in Cowichan, with our new pop-up office! Keep an eye out in the riding for the Green car, which has pamphlets, bumper stickers, and volunteers who can answer any questions you have about our campaign in Cowichan. #bcpoli #bcpolitics #press #bcelection #bcelection2020 #bcelxn2020 #bcelxn #britishcolumbia #bcgreens #beautifulbritishcolumbia #campaining #campaign #event #community #leadership #parksville #qualicum #nanaimo #volunteers

A post shared by Sonia Furstenau (@soniafurstenau) on Oct 10, 2020 at 12:44pm PDT


B.C. Election 2020: Stay informed with our daily newsletter, delivered to your inbox every day at noon. Sign up here.


B.C. Liberal Leader Andrew Wilkinson found his platform launch Tuesday overwhelmed by questions about a video in which a candidate made inappropriate sexualized comments toward an NDP MLA.

VICTORIA — B.C. Liberal leader Andrew Wilkinson attempted Tuesday to launch his

party’s election platform

, but found it largely overtaken by backlash over his handling of

sexist remarks from one of his candidates

.

Wilkinson released the 47-page platform at an event in Vancouver, touting it as a plan to restore confidence in the province’s economy following the COVID-19 pandemic. However, his decision to

avoid questions about the ongoing scandal

during the Thanksgiving long weekend, meant he first faced a deluge of questions on that topic instead.

“This episode should never have happened,” said Wilkinson. “It was sad in retrospect, frustrating and disappointing for everyone.”

The comments came from North Vancouver-Seymour incumbent Liberal candidate Jane Thornthwaite, who was recorded during a retirement roast for Liberal Ralph Sultan suggesting that North Vancouver-Lonsdale NDP incumbent Bowinn Ma was flirtatious towards Sultan during his time in office, and used her physical appearance to distract and curry favour with him.

The video was recorded Sept. 17 and shared on the weekend by Vancouver podcast host Mo Amir. The public backlash centred around the

overt-sexualization of a female MLA

who was trying to work across party lines, and the fact Wilkinson, along with several other men, were seen on the video laughing at the stories.

Wilkinson and Thornthwaite apologized on Twitter over the weekend.

Wilkinson said he was embarrassed and disappointed in himself that he didn’t speak up during the call, and failed to address the issue with Thornthwaite until it became public this weekend.

“I think we’ve all been in those scenarios where someone is saying something inappropriate — it may be at a family event, a wedding or a retirement roast, this one was for an 87-year-old gentleman who lives alone, and there was a sense of not wanting to ruin his evening but also the sense of being taken aback at what was coming out of Jane’s mouth,” he said.

“It was abundantly clear by the end of the roast she’d made a bit of a fool of herself.”

The ongoing controversy overshadowed the platform launch, on a day the Liberals were hoping to ride the momentum of the plan into Tuesday evening’s televised leaders’ debate.

The platform reiterated some of the Liberals’ largest promises of the campaign so far, including an $8-billion infrastructure building plan, a new

10-lane bridge to replace the Massey tunnel

, the

elimination of tent cities

, new mental health officials to accompany police on calls, an

end to ICBC’s monopoly

on basic insurance by allowing private-sector competition and the

elimination of the provincial sales tax (PST)

for one year to spur economic growth.

Wilkinson also added to his promise to accelerate the NDPs’s $10-a-day childcare plan, pledging to create 10,000 new spaces.

“Every working parent will have access to more affordable daycare in their own community,” he said.

The new spending estimated by the Liberals amounted to $2 billion. However, the PST elimination would forego $7 billion in revenue in the first year.

All told, the cost of spending and tax cuts in the first year would be closer to $10 billion, with other tax breaks included. The NDP platform is projected to cost $2.4 billion in its first year.

Any party promises are on top of the $13 billion deficit B.C. is currently projecting to run this fiscal year.

Wilkinson promised to return to balanced budgets within five years of the release of a COVID-19 vaccine.

He also said a Liberal government would launch an “economic response plan,” create an independent fair tax commission, ban early elections during state of emergencies and review COVID-19 deaths in seniors’ care homes, within the first 60 days in power.

The Liberals would also set up a province-wide framework for hybrid and online learning options, as a response to parents who have called for more flexibility in returning K-12 students back to class during the pandemic, according to the platform.

Among the other highlights of the platform:

• “Review” the NDP’s 23 new or increased taxes. Establish an independent fair tax commission to study which taxes to reduce or eliminate to spur economic activity.

• Eliminate the small business income tax.

• Create a loan guarantee program for tourism and hospitality businesses, as part of “aggressive agenda to rebuild and expand BC’s tourism sector.”

• Eliminate the NDP government’s Community Benefits Agreements, which require workers on major government infrastructure projects to join specific unions.

• Cancel the speculation tax and implement a condo-flipping capital gains tax instead.

• Charge non-residents of Canada a higher property tax, to discourage foreign investors driving up the price of housing.

• Make permanent permission for restaurants to deliver liquor with takeout and obtain wholesale liquor pricing.

• Encourage self-insurance models for stratas facing skyrocketing insurance, as part of other reforms.

• Expedite indigenous-led LNG projects.

• Reform the stumpage system for forestry.

• Appoint a minister responsible for Fisheries and Coastlines.

• Double provincial park campsites in popular areas, and improve the B.C. Parks online camping reservation system.

NDP candidate Selina Robinson said Wilkinson’s platform is vague and the lack of details on what taxes he will reduce or eliminate could mean service cuts.

“It’s because he knows people don’t support tax breaks for the wealthiest,” she said. “It will cost you, it will mean cuts to the services people count on.”

Wilkinson said he would not cut government programs or services during the pandemic.

rshaw@postmedia.com

twitter.com/robshaw_bc


The B.C. Liberal party has spent more on Facebook ads since the start of the election campaign than the NDP and the Greens combined, according to a Postmedia analysis of political ads run by the three parties on Facebook and Instagram.

The B.C. Liberal party has spent more on Facebook ads since the start of the election campaign than the NDP and the Greens combined, according to a Postmedia analysis of political ads run by the three parties on Facebook and Instagram.

Liberal spending on Facebook ads has been increasing almost daily since the start of the campaign with a one-day peak of $41,000 as of October 13, while spending by the NDP has stabilized at roughly $10,000 per day. The Green party has only been spending a few hundred dollars a day.

Some of the differences can be attributed to party finances. This year’s annual allowance from Elections B.C. was nearly $1.6 million each for the NDP and the Liberals. The Green party received just over $650,000. But the spending patterns also highlight differing election strategies.

“The NDP seem to have a more diversified approach to their digital election advertising,” said Jillian Stead, a former manager of digital strategy for the B.C. Liberals and currently the

director of digital and marketing technology at National, a public relations firm.

Stead said that NDP ads have appeared across the internet, not just Facebook.

“Not everybody’s on the same social media every day,” she said. “The NDP seem to have caught on to that. They’re spending some money that I haven’t seen the B.C. Liberals spend on video advertising elsewhere across the internet.”

The NDP have also purchased Google AdWords, in an attempt to get their ads to appear above Google search results for certain terms. Stead noted that earlier in the campaign, a Google search for Andrew Wilkinson would turn up an ad from the NDP that led to a page on the party website criticizing the Liberal leader. Google AdWords can get ”quite expensive” compared to Facebook ads, Stead said, and could be another reason why the NDP has spent less on Facebook.

 A Google AdWord ad, highlighted in red on the left, linked to the attack ad shown on the right, hosted on the B.C. NDP party’s website.

Greens have spent the least … but are still running lots of ads.

Despite minimal spending on Facebook ads, midway through the campaign the Green party had run nearly 800 ads on Facebook. With total spending of just over $5,600 as of October 12, that works out to about $8 per ad.

According to data from Facebook’s Ad Library, almost 95 per cent of the Green party’s ads run between Sept. 21 and Oct. 12 cost less than $100 — the smallest value Facebook makes available. The Liberals, by contrast, only ran 80 ads in that price range, with most of their ads costing between $100 and $500.

Stead said the NDP and Greens may be targeting smaller audiences or communities, which cost less on Facebook’s ad platform, where ad space is auctioned off to the highest bidders based on the number of potential advertisers in a given market.

“A $100 ad for two weeks in a place like Kitimat or Terrace is going to take you a lot further than $100 would in Vancouver,” she said, because in a population dense area like Vancouver “you’re competing with hundreds of advertisers.”

Nearly all of the Green party’s ads and the majority of NDP ads have a maximum of 5,000 “impressions” — the number of times an ad was displayed on a screen — indicating the two parties are targeting smaller communities.

The NDP are using this to tremendous effect, by running a series of identical ads, using the same graphic and copy but swapping out the riding name.

One

ad reads

: “Andrew Wilkinson thinks people in Courtenay-Comox should be paying more. For health care, for car insurance, for housing … You’ll pay more so his wealthy friends can pay $3 billion less.”

Identical ads have run but with different riding names: Skeena, Chilliwack, Nechako Lakes and others. Each ad typically has between 1,000 and 3,000 impressions.

 A collection of regionalized Facebook ads purchased by the B.C. NDP.

The Liberals are running much more of a “blanket” ad strategy, with most ads having between 5,000 and 50,000 impressions or higher. The ad content typically focuses on subjects that have broad appeal across the province, such as changes to ICBC, the Liberal’s proposed PST cut and ads attacking premier Horgan.

The NDP strategy looks to be much more strategic and sophisticated, said Stead, who noted that digital ad platforms like Facebook are cost effective, easy to deploy and can scale up quickly. The NDP she said, are targeting ridings where the “internal polling is saying ‘you might have a shot here.’”

Contrast that with the Liberals, she said, who are not doing much to tailor content to the region and who “are going after very expensive ridings.”

ngriffiths@postmedia.com

@njgriffiths

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The B.C. NDP is promising renters a rent freeze through the end of 2021 and a $400 annual rebate for renters who earn up to $80,000 a year.

The B.C. NDP is promising a rent freeze through the end of 2021 and a $400 annual rebate for renters who earn up to $80,000 a year.

John Horgan’s latest campaign announcement was made in Vancouver on Thanksgiving Monday, one of two NDP events held on what was otherwise a quiet day on the campaign trail.

“Even before the pandemic, people were struggling to rent and live here in B.C. We’ve made real progress, but there’s a lot more we have to do,” said Horgan.

“That’s why our plan helps renters while we get through the pandemic and puts more money back in their pockets as we build an economic recovery that works for everyone.”

If re-elected, Horgan promised his government would freeze rents until the end of next year, while also providing a $400 annual rebate for households that earn up to $80,000 a year. The promise was included in the B.C. NDP’s platform unveiling, which was shared last week.

The B.C. NDP leader also cited steps taken in his first term as premier, capping rent increases at inflation that he says saved renters an average of $333 a year. Horgan vowed to make that cap permanent if re-elected.

He also criticized the B.C. Liberals and suggestions that B.C.’s speculation tax be scrapped, though it affects less than one per cent of British Columbians.

“This puts money into our budget that we can spend on housing for people who want to live here,” said Horgan. “It never seems to me to be a bad idea to take taxes from those who don’t live here to help those who want to.”

Horgan made the announcement alongside Vancouver-False Creek candidate Brenda Bailey, who noted B.C. Liberal Leader Andrew Wilkinson’s past comments calling renting a “wacky time of life.”

“His candidate in this riding wants to get rid of rent increase limits entirely,” said Bailey. “They just don’t get it. If the B.C. Liberals were in power, they would let rents go through the roof and speculation would go unchecked — turning 11,000 homes back into empty condos.”

However, the B.C. Liberals later fired back, accusing Horgan’s promise of ringing hollow.

“The average rent in Vancouver has increased by more than $2,000 a year under the NDP,” said B.C. Liberal candidate George Affleck.

“The vacancy rate hasn’t budged and the cost of housing has gone up under the NDP, the opposite of what he promised. We need a real plan to help people and that’s what the B.C. Liberals are offering.”

In a statement, Affleck notes that only 3,000 housing units have been built out of the NDP’s promised 114,000, and claims it would take 100 years for the NDP to fulfil that number.

The NDP countered that their 10-year housing plan is on track, with almost a quarter of the promised units — approximately 25,000 — complete or underway. Of those, 6,000 are occupied, while 9,000 are under active construction with others in development or under construction soon.

sip@postmedia.com

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Liberal Leader Andrew Wilkinson, NDP Leader John Horgan and Green Leader Sonia Furstenau.  The countdown is on to Oct. 24 B.C. election.

VICTORIA — The leaders of B.C.’s three main political parties take the stage Tuesday for the first televised debate of the election, and each stands to gain or lose greatly depending on their performance.

B.C.’s NDP, Liberal and Green leaders will spend 90 minutes fielding questions from moderator Shachi Kurl, while making their pitch directly to voters in one of the highest-profile events of the entire campaign.

With most campaign rallies cancelled due to COVID-19, and candidates unable to conduct regular door-knocking or canvassing, the televised debate takes on heightened importance for its ability to reach undecided British Columbians directly.

Here’s a closer look at how each leader could make or break their future in the debate.

Sonia Furstenau

B.C. Greens

Furstenau enters as the leader with nothing to lose. The Greens are facing the very real prospect of being wiped off the electoral map, both due to the NDP’s surprise election call, and the jarring attack the New Democrats levelled against the Greens in the first week of the campaign. No matter how she does in the debate, it can’t get worse.

Look for Furstenau to launch out of the gate with one particular target in mind: NDP Leader John Horgan. She’s been mercilessly attacking his credibility during campaign so far, telling voters he is no longer trustworthy, wasn’t genuine in his co-operation with the Greens and doesn’t deserve to win a majority government.

Horgan may try to counterattack by blaming the Greens for failing to support all of his government’s initiatives and attempting to change some of his bills. But Furstenau has proven effective in shredding the NDP on those issues so far during the campaign, highlighting what she calls Horgan’s attempts to rewrite history.

The more time the debate spends on the issue of whether the early election was necessary, the better Furstenau’s chances. She’s also likely to portray the Liberals and NDP as tired old unimaginative parties unwilling to envision the bold, clean, Green economy that could be the emphasis of the post-COVID recovery. Where possible she’ll draw that contrast and strike out at both leaders on the issues of climate, environmental protection, child care and the Site C dam.

The only risk to her performance is if the NDP and Liberal leaders become so preoccupied with attacking each other, they squeeze her out of the spotlight. Furstenau’s public profile outside of Vancouver Island and Metro Vancouver remains very low. She could use the boost in profile that a strong debate performance could provide.

John Horgan

B.C. NDP

Horgan has, by far, the most to lose in Tuesday’s debate.

The NDP leader already has a commanding lead in the polls. And although he’s been on the defensive for choosing to call a snap campaign during a public health crisis — and for reneging on the written promise he signed with the Greens that enabled him to be premier the past 3.5 years with the condition he not call an early vote — his popularity remains at record levels.

The NDP debate strategy is mainly about protecting the Horgan brand developed over 3.5 years in office: The jovial, calm, pragmatic leader, who drops dad jokes and Star Trek references. He’s the most popular premier in Canada, and the NDP has built its entire re-election campaign around him, personally. The signs at podiums at NDP events don’t say the party name, they just say John Horgan. In some ridings, there’s more John Horgan campaign signs out in public than there are for the local candidate. It’s a John Horgan election, and the NDP is just riding his coattails. Any serious damage delivered to Horgan in the debate would be devastating for the campaign.

Because of this, and because he’s the incumbent premier, Horgan enters the debate with a giant target on his back. He’s going to face tough questions about his character and honesty, and all eyes will be on him to see whether he keeps his cool while under fire.

His opponents will gang up on him. The more he can shake it off the better. 

The public hasn’t seen much of defensive, chippy, Horgan since becoming premier. Certainly, he does not want to repeat his disastrous performances in the 2017 debates, in which Christy Clark goaded him into losing it live on air.

Helping Horgan’s cause is the fact that NDP is the only party to release a full platform before Tuesday. He has ample material from which to make his case to voters, including his platform’s marquee promise of up to $1,000 tax-free cash for families to help with COVID-19 recovery. The more he can push the conversation away from his reasons for calling the early election, and into his vision for the province’s future, the better his evening.

ANDREW WILKINSON

B.C. Liberals

The leader with the most to gain in the debate is Wilkinson. Theoretically, at least. First, he’ll have to field questions over how he has handled several controversies — including a leaked video that shows a candidate making sexist remarks about NDP MLA Bowinn Ma, and at least two candidates in the Fraser Valley who don’t appear to fully support LGBTQ+ rights.

A provincewide TV audience is a golden opportunity to introduce himself to British Columbians who’ve been otherwise preoccupied by COVID-19 and may now, only briefly, turn their mind to the question of who to support in an election.

Wilkinson hasn’t been able to build a public profile — partly because he chose to support the government’s public health efforts in a non-partisan way during the height of the crisis, but also because the COVID-19 restrictions ban the type of mass gatherings and large crowds he’d normally be able to use in an election campaign to meet voters. A strong performance in the debate would go a long way to reversing that, and picking up some votes in the process.

But, like many opposition leaders before him, Wilkinson faces a difficult line to walk in the debate. He has to appear tough in questioning Horgan, but not arrogant. He has to appear to challenge Horgan on his record, but not bully him. And he has to be critical of the NDP’s accomplishments, while simultaneously offering his own hopeful vision for the province’s future.

If Wilkinson spends too much time on criticism, he’ll look like a miserable grump that nobody wants to have a beer with, let alone vote for. But if he just talks about his own ideas, he fails to prosecute the NDP record and explain to voters why they need to change the government. This delicate balance is not unique to Wilkinson; Horgan faced the same obstacles as opposition leader in the 2017 debates.

The Liberals have been slow to release their party platform. It’s unclear why, because Tuesday’s debate is a huge opportunity to highlight his new ideas to the largest audience he will have in the entire election campaign — many of whom already have their mail-in ballots at home and could be marking their preferences right after the debate ends. It’s a gamble. But it must be a calculated one. Wilkinson knows he only has one shot at running as election as party leader. Much of his future comes down to his performance in this debate.

rshaw@postmedia.com

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B.C. Liberal leader Andrew Wilkinson is under fire for his response to B.C. Liberal Jane Thornthwaite's comments toward New Democrat Bowinn Ma. 

VICTORIA — B.C. Liberal leader Andrew Wilkinson was embroiled in controversy on the weekend, just when he needed a supreme effort to close the opinion polling gap on Premier John Horgan and the NDP.

The furor was sparked by obnoxious and sexist comments from B.C. Liberal Jane Thornthwaite toward New Democrat Bowinn Ma.

But also at issue was Wilkinson’s fumbling of the affair, fuelling doubts about his leadership in and out of the Liberal party.

Thornthwaite made the comments back on Sept. 17 in a $100-a-ticket fundraising roast for retiring B.C. Liberal MLA Ralph Sultan.

In the course of teasing Sultan about his cosy relationship with Ma, Thornthwaite characterized the New Democrat as “a very pretty lady” who “knows how to get Ralph going.”

She described the two of them sitting “very, very closely together” on a couch at a public event: “Bowinn would be right up, right next to him, cuddling, cuddling, a little bit of cleavage there, and Ralph would be enthralled with her.”

A video recording of the roast circulated quietly among Liberals until someone provided a copy to Mo Amir, host of the This is Vancolour podcast.

 This image shows B.C. NDP candidate Bowinn Ma (left) and B.C. Liberal candidate Jane Thornthwaite (right).

Amir posted it without comment Saturday, saying “I’d like to hear from women on how they feel about this clip.”

The angry reaction was not long in coming, and not only from NDP supporters.

“This is appalling,” wrote Green leader Sonia Furstenau on social media. “If women are not warm in the workplace, we are castigated as rude. If we are friendly, we get this. Bowinn Ma deserves an apology.”

Ma took the response to the next level.

“As a woman who has worked in male-dominated industries all my entire life so far,  I am sadly no stranger to casual sexism,” she began.

“Like many women in these situations I found myself making choices about the way that I act, dress and carry myself to avoid having sexist interpretations read into my interactions — interactions such as, for instance, deliberately speaking closely with an elder who is hard of hearing.”

Sultan, 87, is indeed hard of hearing. I have to stand close to speak to him as well.

But the NDP MLA also noted the other telling aspect of the video: several B.C. Liberals, including party leader Wilkinson, looking on with approval while Thornthwaite “sexualized” Ma’s relationship with Sultan.

The result, wrote Ma, was “a deeply uncomfortable characterization of my efforts to extend kindness across partisan lines.”

Her efforts are a matter of record. On the floor of the legislature two years ago, she led off an 85th birthday tribute to Sultan that moved him to tears.

The result was a rare moment of grace in a house too often lacking in same. It’s depressing to see another MLA (a woman, yet) turn the relationship into a joke with creepy overtones.

As the backlash to the video spread Sunday, some B.C. Liberals — and not only women — were demanding a prompt and thorough apology.

Thornthwaite’s initial response, being free of apology, compounded the outrage:  “I have huge respect for all women who push through glass ceilings. I’m one of them. So is Bowinn Ma. Ralph Sultan has the same respect and a soft spot for his fellow UBC engineer, and I made light of that at a roast.”

About 90 minutes later, she came closer to the mark:

“The comments I made at the roast for my colleague Ralph Sultan fell flat and were inappropriate. I unreservedly apologize for making these comments. I have reached out to Bowinn Ma to apologize to her directly as well.”

Her initial hesitation was in marked contrast to her response in 2011, when a former NDP MLA accused then Premier Christy Clark of showing “cleavage” in the legislature.

Thornthwaite professed to be shocked that anyone would be “talking about what the premier is wearing in this day and age.

“I don’t hear anybody making any negative comments — or any comments for that matter — about what men wear,” she told the North Shore News. “I guess that means we have a long way to go for women.”

While Thornthwaite groped her way toward an apology, Wilkinson posted what was intended to pass for one on his part

“On reflection, those comments were inappropriate, and it was right for Jane to apologize. I want to apologize to Bowinn Ma, as this never should have happened,” the Liberal leader wrote.

“I understand why people are upset and I continue to be committed to doing everything I can to make sure women are welcomed, encouraged, and treated with respect in politics and public life.”

No apology nor even any acknowledgment of how he and other Liberals had stood by chuckling when Thornthwaite made the comments.

The minimal response was reminiscent of Wilkinson’s recent failure to stand up strongly for LBGTQ+ rights in respect to controversies involving two Liberal candidates.

In defence, Wilkinson says he has “gay and lesbian members in my family.” If so, they must be embarrassed by his tolerance of candidates who in one case opposed a rainbow cross walk and in another helped fund a publication promoting conversion therapy.

Such grudging, half measures are too often the rule with Wilkinson. As of Monday afternoon, he was still avoiding questions from reporters on his handling of the sexism controversy.

But that only ensures the questions will linger, along with the growing doubts about his leadership.

vpalmer@postmedia.com 


B.C. Premier John Horgan signs NDP candidate George Heyman's re-election sign at Olympic Village in Vancouver on Monday.

As B.C.’s three party leaders head into tonight’s televised debate, a new poll shows John Horgan’s NDP holding a comfortable, double-digit lead over Andrew Wilkinson and the B.C. Liberal party.

According to the Leger poll released this morning, the NDP have the support of 50 per cent of election-eligible adults surveyed, with the Liberals trailing at 35 per cent, and the B.C. Green party at 12 per cent. Those numbers are consistent with a similar Leger poll conducted shortly after the writ dropped on Sept. 24, when the NDP were at 47 per cent and the Liberals at just 31 per cent.

By comparison, a poll conducted before the 2017 election, in which the NDP won a minority government, showed 40.4 per cent of election-eligible adults surveyed planned to cast their ballots for the Liberals, 40.3 per cent for the NDP and 16.8 per cent for the Greens.

Only 47 per cent of those surveyed in the recent poll plan to watch the leader’s debate tonight.

Leger Executive Vice-President Andrew Enns said the poll reveals a few things about what the leaders may try to do during the debate.

“John Horgan will probably try to emphasize his record and not expose himself to any undue attacks,” said Enns. “He will also want to speak to his supporters and to the need to get out and vote. When you have a fairly large lead there is a risk of apathy but it could be a historic night for the NDP if these numbers continue.”

Andrew Wilkinson “needs to be aggressive and he needs to tie the PST reduction to something more,” said Enns. “It hasn’t connected with voters and he has to make a more compelling argument for it.”

For Furstenau the debate will be an opportunity to introduce herself to voters.

“The Greens are four or five points down from where they were (in 2017),” said Enns. “For many voters this will be the first time they see and hear her speak, so look for her to take those moments.”

The main concerns for British Columbians are quite clear, as 91

per cent of respondents said investment in services such as health care, education and child care was their top concern, with 62 per cent respondents stating these social supports were very important, and 29 per cent saying they were somewhat important.

Eighty-nine per cent of respondents said a stable, experienced government that keeps British Columbians safe during the COVID-19 pandemic while keeping the economy moving was their next priority, with 66 per cent saying that is very important and 23 per cent saying it is somewhat important.

Other themes important to British Columbians include homelessness and the environment. Eighty-two per cent of those polled said a plan to reduce homelessness and remove tent cities was very (47 per cent) or somewhat (36 per cent) important, and 76 per cent said climate change and a credible plan to reduce greenhouse gas emissions was very (41 per cent) or somewhat (35 per cent) important.

John Horgan was the candidate most likely to be invited over for dinner and a casual conversation, with 37 per cent of those polled choosing his company over either Wilkinson or Furstenau, who weighed in at 19 per cent and 11 per cent respectively.

Forty-nine per cent of those polled plan to vote by mail-in ballot, a much greater number than usual said Enns.

“That’s a sizable portion of voters. It’s uncharted territory.”

The poll also gauged the potential political impact of an ongoing controversy within the B.C. Liberals over LGBTQ+ rights.

Langley East candidate Margaret Kunst has been criticized for refusing to support a rainbow crosswalk as a local councillor, and Chilliwack-Kent candidate Laurie Throness has faced public backlash for supporting so-called conversion therapy.

Approximately 58 per cent of the respondents in the Leger poll said they are less likely to support a party if it allows candidates to run who have homophobic of anti-LGBTQ views. That figure rose to 65 per cent among Vancouver respondents.

Wilkinson has resisted calls to remove the candidates.

The Leger poll of 1,100 B.C. residents of voting age was conducted between Oct. 6 and 9. For comparison purposes, a probability sample of 1,100 respondents would have a margin of error of ± 3.0 per cent, 19 times out of 20.

dryan@postmedia.com

— With a file from Rob Shaw