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Tongues began wagging over the Canadian political social media on Monday as it was reported that former Bank of Canada Governor Mark Carney has been advising the prime minister on a very informal and unpaid basis as part of the current economic crisis brought about by the global pandemic.  Immediately, people began sizing up Carney as a potential replacement for finance minister Bill Morneau, whose time as finance minister would appear to be nearing its end, his ethical lapses around the WE Imbroglio adding to the fact that his suitability for the role was in decline before those revelations were made.  Those same voices started immediately seeing a seat for Carney in York Centre, which will become vacant next month, and others still see this as a path to Liberal leadership.  I cannot stress enough how much all of this is a very, very bad idea.

Carney has made his mark as a central banker, both in the Bank of Canada, and later the Bank of England, where he helped that country steer through the economic crisis brought on by Brexit.  Most recently, he accepted an appointment from the United Nations as a Special Envoy on Climate Action and Finance.  His return to Canada has a lot of people hoping he will make the jump to politics, which is the one thing he should stay the hell away from.  Why?  Because it is crucial that the Bank of Canada maintain its independence from government, and having its former Governor make the leap to the political realm will inevitably taint the institution, and cast suspicion on all future governors.

The independence of Bank of Canada governors has been tested in this country once before, during the Coyne Affair.  In 1961, then-Governor James Coyne (father of columnist Andrew Coyne) was being pressured by then-prime minister John Diefenbaker to lower interest rates as economic stimulus after the government had spent and borrowed heavily in their own stimulus efforts.  Coyne refused, and a short while later, Diefenbaker tried to force Coyne out of the job by passing a bill declaring his position vacant after Coyne accepted a higher pension.  The Senate killed the bill, and Coyne resigned shortly thereafter, but his successor, Louis Raminsky, demanded clear rules before accepting the position, which led to the Bank of Canada Act being rewritten.

At the start of the current financial crisis, we did see a very unusual sight in the outgoing Bank Governor, Stephen Poloz, appearing on stage with Morneau and the Superintendent of Financial Institutions, Jeremy Rudin, to announce the approaches that monetary and fiscal policy as well as bank regulation were taking to head off the coming economic damage.  Great pains were taken, however, to note that they did not coordinate responses and that the government was not dictating the actions of these independent institutions, which is important for there to be confidence in them.

Carney already has a blemished on his record when it comes to flirting with politics, when there was an attempt to recruit him into the Liberal leadership contest in 2012, before Justin Trudeau eventually swept the race.  At the time, Carney insisted that he never actively sought out the job or reached out to the Liberals, though I have heard conflicting reports on that fact from Liberals.  Shortly thereafter, Carney took the job offer from the Bank of England, and while the Globe and Mail reported that Carney had expressed doubts about going directly from his role at the Bank of Canada directly into electoral politics, it should be stated that there should be no going from the Bank to politics at all, never mind directly or with a fallow period in between.  (And lest anyone think Carney is merely attractive to Liberals, a poll conducted early in the current Conservative leadership cycle had Carney's name floated).

Bank of Canada governors need to be kept separate from partisan politics in perpetuity because monetary policy needs to be seen to be credible within our system, where Parliament sets the goal in this case, keeping inflation within the one-to-three percent range and the non-partisan civil servants execute that goal as they see fit without interference.  We can't have people second-guessing the Bank's guidance by parsing it through the lens of partisan politics which party's agenda is the Governor acting under?  Which party is the Governor angling for a new job with?  We need to look no further than what has happened south of the border with how the Trump presidency has treated the Federal Reserve to know that this is not a system we want to emulate.  If Carney makes the jump to electoral politics, then he risks tainting all future Bank Governors to this kind of parsing.

The added problem with Carney is that it also fits into this particular government's adherence to influencer culture because they can treat Carney as something of a celebrity endorsement that it may look good for their brand to have Carney giving them advice, but there are broader consequences, particularly if it starts being seen as a jumping-off point for a political career.  It would also be completely on-brand for this government to do something in the moment because they think it will poll well without considering the broader institutional damage they will have wrought kind of like the complete mess they made of the Senate and Rideau Hall.  As well, seeking this kind of endorsement for "advice" has the very real danger of replicating the problem that has emerged with former Supreme Court of Canada justices, where their opinions are being sought for political cover all over the map, to the point now where it is becoming a recurring joke.  Doing the very same for former Bank of Canada Governors would have a similar deleterious effect, which we really don't want.  Nothing good can come of Carney getting into the political orbit.  He needs to stay the hell away, for the good of all our political institutions.

Photo Credit: CBC News

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


U.S. President Donald Trump has used the threat and/or implementation of tariffs to help his country gain an economic advantage over other nations in certain situations.

The most recent country caught in The Donald's orange crosshairs is Canada.

During a campaign speech at a Whirlpool factory in Clyde, Ohio on Aug. 6, the President announced he would be restoring a 10 percent tariff on Canadian aluminum products that was briefly in place during NAFTA/USMCA renegotiations in 2018.  "My administration agreed to lift those tariffs in return for a promise from the Canadian government that its aluminum industry would not flood our country with exports and kill all our aluminum jobs," he told the audience, "which is exactly what they did."

Trump went on to say, "Canada was taking advantage of us as usual…To be a strong nation, America must be a manufacturing nation and not be led by a bunch of fools.  That means protecting our national industrial base."

In retaliation, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau announced that evening on Twitter the decision to "impose countermeasures that will include dollar-for-dollar retaliatory tariffs."  This will roughly come out to $3.6 billion.

Deputy Prime Minister Chrystia Freeland also issued a statement which said in part, "In the time of a global pandemic and an economic crisis, the last thing Canadian and American workers need is new tariffs that will raise costs for manufacturers and consumers, impede the free flow of trade, and hurt provincial and state economies."

Who has the upper hand in this North American-based tariff war?

An Aug. 7-9 web survey conducted by Leger and the Association for Canadian Studies found that 90 percent of Canadians and 58 percent of Americans expressed their opposition to Trump's aluminum tariffs.  While it's interesting that more than half of American respondents felt the same way as most of their Canadian counterparts, the results aren't terribly surprising.

The U.S. has had a long history with respect to tariffs and economic protectionism.  As a young nation, it introduced the Tariff Act in 1789 to protect its manufacturing sector from powerful international competition in France and Great Britain.  The Act also created a source of revenue for the fledgling U.S. government from tonnage contained on foreign cargo ships and other vessels.

Tariffs remained part of America's economic puzzle well into the 20th century.  Ergo, Trump is following in the giant historical footsteps of other U.S. Presidents with respect to implementing tariffs.

This form of taxation, however, is usually treated with scorn by anyone who has a scintilla of respect for a free market economy.  Tariffs can cripple economies, damage businesses and weaken the global financial environment.  Although it's been successfully used as a political tool by various world leaders like Trump, a tariff should always be utilized as a last-ditch effort rather than a first foot forward strategy.

In fairness, Trump's long-standing critique of Canadian-style protectionism has always been well warranted.  Our country has used this mechanism far too often, from softwood lumber and auto parts to supply management with dairy and poultry.  While it's unlikely Ottawa would fully eliminate these anti-free market principles anytime soon, it would be nice to see them tossed into the dustbin of history.

Here's the problem: Trump is no better.  The current President regularly employs economic nationalist rhetoric with respect to America First policies, "fairness" in trade, and restrictive tariffs and subsidies.

What's good for the protectionist goose is good for the protectionist gander, it seems.

If Trump wins re-election this November, it's probably fair to say he'll continue to use the occasional threat of tariffs and economic protectionism.  There's obviously nothing Canada can do, or should do, if he chooses to use this harsh form of taxation with other countries.  But how do we, as a nation, prevent tariffs from being implemented south of the border every so often?

The U.S. and Canada should both commit to reducing tariffs by 25 percent or more this fiscal year, and eliminate harsh nationalistic regulations in sectors like dairy, softwood lumber, automobiles and electronics.  In other words, create a proper free market economy where capitalism can steadily grow, businesses can thrive and trade liberalization becomes an all-encompassing key to financial success.

Canada should also eliminate any and all foreign ownership restrictions on American companies and others, while the U.S. should commit to reducing regulations, subsidies and tariffs on Canadian companies and others.  Beginning this process on both sides of the Canada-U.S. border would show good faith, a mutual commitment to financial prosperity, and a firm belief the North American economic engine can and will get stronger.

Is any of this possible to achieve with leaders like Trudeau and Trump at the helm?  That remains to be seen.

Photo Credit: CBC News

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.