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Teck Resources Ltd. CEO Don Lindsay handed Alberta voters a parting gift as he pulled the pin on the massive Frontier mine.

His letter to federal Environment Minister Jonathan Wilkinson explaining the reasons for withdrawing his company's application for government approval for the mine pleads for clarity and action on climate change policy.

Voters can now judge Premier Jason Kenney and Prime Minister Justin Trudeau on how they respond and how they use the breathing room Teck has granted them.

Mushy indecision is not the way forward on the federal front.  Continued belligerent whining on the provincial side is counterproductive.

By pulling out of the process before the decision deadline, Teck saved the federal Liberals' bacon.  It's clear the party caucus was divided on how to deal with the oil sands mine and it appeared another delay in making a final decision might have been on the horizon.

That would have only ramped up the inflamed political rhetoric over a project that has come to represent the existential divide in Canada over non-renewable resource development and reducing carbon emissions.

Amidst the crisis of rail blockades over Coastal GasLink pipeline, more vacillation over the mine would only reinforce the fears of Albertans that the Liberals will stymie progress in the province through sheer foot dragging.

For Kenney, the withdrawal should allow the province to put the brakes on its all-or-nothing strategy over Frontier.  The huge mine, which was expected to pour four megatonnes of carbon into the air per year of operation, should never have been the poster child for Alberta's oil sands development.

After years of soothing pictures of the small land footprints and the shiny pipes of steam assisted drainage projects in the boreal forest, the prospect of another enormous open pit, complete with tailing ponds, just refocused all the opposition to resource development.

In any case, the whole Frontier affair had long ceased to really be about the mine.  Many business analysts suspected economic conditions have changed enough since the mine was first proposed a decade ago that it probably would not have gone ahead.

Even Teck admitted in recent weeks it needed a better oil price and a financial partner to put shovels in the ground.  And just getting that partner, or even major capital investment, is an enormous snarl in the country at the moment.

"Global capital markets are changing rapidly and investors and customers are increasingly looking for jurisdictions to have a framework in place that reconciles resource development and climate change, in order to produce the cleanest possible products," Lindsay wrote in his letter to Wilkinson.  "This does not yet exist here today and, unfortunately, the growing debate around this issue has placed Frontier and our company squarely at the nexus of much broader issues that need to be resolved."

The Teck project was a symbol for Kenney's government a test case of how far the federal Liberals would step outside their environmental comfort zone to sooth the troubled waters of western alienation.

Kenney has immediately jumped on the Teck withdrawal as an indictment of federal Liberals.  He is thumping the tub of populism, blaming Trudeau for all the province's ills.  That strategy damages the likelihood that the two parties can do the one thing required to salvage something positive from the whole Frontier mine saga.

Lindsay's letter outlines very well what a responsible private sector firm needs to go ahead with a major nonrenewable energy investment in this country.

"The promise of Canada's potential will not be realized until governments can reach agreement around how climate policy considerations will be addressed in the context of future responsible energy sector development.  Without clarity on this critical question, the situation that has faced Frontier will be faced by future projects and it will be very difficult to attract future investment, either domestic or foreign."

Lindsay also is pretty explicit on a couple of contentious policy issues.

"We are also strong supporters of Canada's action on carbon pricing and other climate policies such as legislated caps for oil sands emissions."

The Teck letter asks for positive progress without pointing fingers.  But Kenney has been stubborn in soft pedalling Teck's support of carbon pricing and an emissions cap.

Federal and Alberta governments need to focus on the environmental/economic issues Lindsay identifies without descending into pissing matches over jurisdiction and constitutional division of powers.

Voters should keep a keen eye on whether the leaders of both the federal and provincial governments are actually willing to get down to business to make progress on both files: carbon emission reductions and a stable framework for nonrenewable resource development.

Photo Credit: Daily Hive

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


As protests against police action against the Wet'suwet'en spread across the country, it's got me thinking about debt.  Not strictly in the money sense, but more ephemeral kinds of debt.

Like the kind of debt a society might accrue over generations of oppression and active neglect.  What might the payments to that debt look like?  Something like what's happening now across this country.

When the word "reconciliation" is thrown around in public discourse, it's not exactly common for the idea of what, exactly, it is we're reconciling.  It mostly gets framed as an idea of acknowledging previous wrongs and not doing those things again.  But it's about more than just the past, it's about the present.  And at present land rights are one of the main points of contention.

It's also about reconciling generations of moral debt, and paying it down.

It requires that we understand that this is not an easy process, or one that takes place in a straight line.  There is no arc of history.  There are only events, strung together in a jumble full of starts, stops, leaps, and setbacks.  There is misunderstanding, there is betrayal, there is occasionally hope, and there is pain.

Right now, Canada is being made to feel some pain.

It didn't have to be this way.  Not this time at least.  What started as members of one Indigenous nation protecting their traditional territory from the construction of a natural gas pipeline has spiralled into a national crisis.  This is because of the response of governments both federal and provincial.

Each time the police have moved in to "end" blockades by land protectors, things have only escalated.  There is no way to police our way out of this.

The national blockades went up in solidarity with Wet'suwet'en when the RCMP heli-dropped a company of shock troops into a camp filled with a handful of unarmed protestors.  This disproportionate police response, with paramilitary police snipers taking on only a handful of protests — one of whom begs not to have a rifle pointed at him — led to solidarity demonstration spreading outward.

Large amounts of rail traffic in the east was brought to a halt along some routes.

Then after a police raid to break up one of the biggest Ontario protests this week in Tyendinaga protests once more spread outward.

Part of the way public pressure was built to have the barricades dismantled was the threat critical supplies — chlorine, propane — usually transported by rail were going to run out.  The thing is, things were not what they seemed, or what they were made to seem.  Things weren't quite so critical, we found out this week, because CN and CP — Canada's two big railways — had brokered a secret deal to share their lines to make sure goods were still able to move.  This was helpfully brokered by the federal government, CBC reports.

"The deal was kept under wraps by all involved; even the industries affected weren't told about the arrangement. … Government sources say they didn't advertise the deal, fearing that more blockades could pop up in response," the CBC report says, with the emphasis mine.

You almost have to laugh at the cheek it takes to come out in public with this information about a back-room industry deal, intentionally kept secret, to blunt the effectiveness of blockades before the blockades have actually come down.  The prime minister made passing reference to it in the House of Commons, and his transport minister made it explicit Tuesday.

Things have of course spiralled since.

Looked at one way, this is Canada falling apart, the country grinding to halt because of people not respecting judicial injunctions to let a pipeline be built and train traffic get moving.  But looked at another, it is debt repayment.

Over the history of this country, over the history of European western migration, we have wronged the Indigenous people of this content.  And it's not just a historical set of debts we've accrued.

To use an example directly linked to pipelines: in 2018 the Federal Court ruled both industry and government had failed to properly consult Indigenous peoples along the Trans Mountain pipeline.  The process "limited their mandate to listening to and recording the concerns of the Indigenous applicants and then transmitting those concerns to the decision-makers."  There was no "meaningful two-way dialogue," according to a Global News report from the time.

But that's only a narrow slice of the wrongs we've done.  Look at the number of communities without clean water, or poisoned by mercury, or afflicted by massive suicide crises, or the way children are ripped from their parents by an uncaring system, and on and on.  Some of those debts are now coming due.

Shutting down a national economy may seem like a high price to pay, but the debts column on the moral ledger is long.  It's time to pay up.

Photo Credit: CBC News

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.