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De-indexing: what an innocuous word. In provincial budget terms it sounds far less threatening or extreme than cutting, slashing, reducing or eliminating.

But there's always some spoil-sport economist or opposition critic who does the math and sounds the alarm that de-indexing does, in fact, equal a reduction over the long haul.

The recent Alberta budget, still toiling through legislature debate, applies de-indexing to Assured Income for the Severely Handicapped (AISH).  The support payments, a basic benefit of $1,685 per month for those who can't work because of their disability, will remain the same in 2020, with no increase for inflation, and there is no fixed date to reindex the income.

In 2019-20, the measure will save the government $10 million.  But it will cost severely disabled recipients in real monthly purchasing power in ever increasing amounts $35 next year, $65 the year after that, $100 the year after that, according to calculations from University of Calgary economist Trevor Tombe.

In the grand scheme of things $10 million isn't much in terms of $47 billion in program spending.  But this particular bean counting measure, directed at the most vulnerable of recipients, costs considerably more in political capital.

Just ask the Ontario Conservatives about what happens when you tinker with support funding for a group like families with an autistic child.  You get bludgeoned by protesters and the opposition and any kind of defence for the measure just digs you deeper into the mire.

Take a recent op-ed by Rajan Sawhney, Alberta's minister of community and social services.

"To ensure long-term sustainability of the AISH program, the least detrimental measure to current program recipients was to pause indexing… Alberta's AISH rates remain the highest among the provinces for people living with a disability ($400 more than the second-highest province, Saskatchewan)," argues Sawhney.

A comparison with inadequate funding for the severely disabled in other provinces is a losing argument.  That $1,685 per month is simply not much to live on, especially given the challenges disabled recipients face.  It's an easy to understand number for those managing a household budget.

Facing a future without the assurance your income will keep up with inflation (it is called Assured Income, after all) has advocates and clients speaking out about promises broken by the UCP.  And they are speaking up in terms of paying their heating bill or putting dinner on the table.

The opposition has been all over the issue.  And the comparison they make isn't to other provinces but to calculations in the budget.  Specifically they are arguing that the UCP is taking money from the vulnerable to give corporations a $4.7-billion tax break.

The UCP dispute that figure, which all members of the NDP practically chant in unison every chance they get.  The four per cent reduction over four years in the corporate tax rate won't add up to nearly $4.7 billion the government argues.  However, that defence has a whole lot less emotional resonance than the relatively small sums in the AISH de-indexing policy.

Opposition Leader Rachel Notley showcased the issue at a media conference this week with a backup from several recipients of AISH who voiced their fears about the effect of de-indexing.  Real people with real needs make for compelling politics.

Any government spending with that sort of emotional freight should carry with it a premium multiplier when budget decisions are being made.  Every dollar cut from programs for disabled and disadvantaged members of society is worth at least 10 times that amount in the reputation hit for the government.

In Ontario the Progressive Conservatives have had to walk back their autism support program policy.  Alberta's government needs to take a hard look at the human and political cost of the economies it is imposing on AISH recipients.

Photo Credit: Jason Franson, The Canadian Press

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


After more than 13 years at the helm, Elizabeth May has stepped down as leader of the federal Green party.  To put that in context, one has to look back a century to find the last Conservative leader to survive that long: Sir Robert Borden, Canada's eighth prime minister, who led the Tories from 1901 to 1920 and now appears on the $100 banknote.

Although it took May almost a half-decade to get elected, by the end of her reign the federal Green caucus had grown to three members of Parliament.  Perhaps more impressively, May's election in 2011 spurred a fury of provincial and municipal activity.  15 provincial legislators across the country now carry the Green banner, with the party serving as Official Opposition in Prince Edward Island.  Municipally, nine Greens currently serve across Metro Vancouver, including as chairs of the Vancouver School Board and Park Board.  Numerous other Greens have been elected to municipal positions in cities that don't feature political parties, particularly across Ontario and British Columbia, such as the current mayor of Tofino.

Critics have argued that the Greens' fundamental philosophy under May wasn't clearly defined beyond aggressive climate action.  The party's recent "forward together" election slogan was widely panned for its ambiguity.

During her time as leader, May successfully moulded the federal Greens into a cohesive group in her image.  But prior to her arrival, the party was plagued by power battles between a diverse array of factions ranging from "deep ecologists" through to pragmatists, the latter including former Progressive Conservatives.

May's resignation and the subsequent leadership contest over the next year could allow Greens the opportunity to self-reflect and hold a robust conversation about what the party actually represents for the first time in more than a decade.  Will the Greens shift further to the political left, like their cousins in Quebec and much of Europe?  Or might the party instead return to the political right as they were under previous leader Jim Harris, poised to exploit growing discontent among Red Tories over the Conservative party's aversion to climate measures and flirtation with populism?  Will most of the membership converge around a single philosophy, or might an existential debate resurrect former rifts?

However, May is not slinking into the shadows just yet.  She will remain as an MP, serve as the Greens' parliamentary leader, and possibly even contest future general elections.  Might her continued presence overshadow the next leader and discourage grassroots attempts at change?  The party's interim leader is a close May ally, and it's likely to be business as usual for party staffers.

If a prominent challenger to the party leadership pushes for brisk change, it is possible that May could organize against them and use her "soft power" within the party apparatus to ensure they are unsuccessful.  And once a new leader is in place, May might play the role of elder statesperson of the Greens, similar to the "paramount leader" in Chinese politics not officially in charge, but "consulted" on most decisions by an inexperienced leader with a weak power base.

The newest Green MP, Jenica Atwin from Fredericton, has already ruled out seeking the leadership.  That leaves Nanaimo — Ladysmith MP Paul Manly, who has six months of parliamentary experience after winning a federal by-election this past spring.  Manly was formerly involved with the NDP, and thus might pull the party slightly more to the left than where it stood under May.

Another prospective leadership candidate is Alex Tyrrell, current leader of the Quebec Greens, who self-identifies as an ecosocialist and was an outspoken critic of the federal party's philosophy under May.  A flagging NDP could provide fertile ground for a clearly left-leaning Green party, although arguably the further it moves to the left, the smaller share of voters it would feasibly be able to pull from.  If the Bloc Québécois' resurgence in la belle province proves as short-lived as the NDP's "orange crush" in 2011, an ecosocialist Green party could gain traction in Quebec, especially if voters eventually tire of the right-wing Coalition Avenir Québec provincial government.

One possible benefit of May's continued presence, in addition to mentoring new MPs, might be to help maintain harmony among the membership if a new leader is able to pull the party in a new direction.  Green leadership transitions in Canada have typically been tempestuous; with a minority parliament and risk of a snap election, the party can't afford to alienate a large portion of its volunteers and staff.

It will also be interesting to see if the Greens shift their geographical focus more toward the Maritimes and less on Vancouver Island.  In addition to Atwin's win in Fredericton, the party finished in second place in three ridings in Prince Edward Island and New Brunswick more runner-up results than in southwestern British Columbia.  In particular, a third-place result in Cowichan—Malahat—Langford, the federal riding that includes the community where provincial MLA Sonia Furstenau was elected in 2017, will give the federal Greens particular pause about their future prospects on Vancouver Island, once considered the party's sole electoral base.

Perhaps the only certainty about the Greens is that their evolution will be fascinating to watch over the next few years as the maturing party prepares for its latest ecdysis.

Photo Credit: CBC News

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.