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When it comes to dealing with Canada's ruling classes, Canadian Conservatives have always faced a key strategic question: should Conservatives appease them or defy them?

Now before we address that question, let's define what we mean by "ruling classes."

For me, that section of our society refers to what pollster Darrell Bricker has termed the "Laurentian elites", i.e. a select group of upper echelon corporate, political and bureaucratic overlords based in central Canada, who basically control this country's bureaucracy, media and culture.

In other words, they're a pretty powerful and influential lot.

Of course, when it comes to politics the ruling classes have usually embraced the Liberal Party as their champion, since the Liberals, with their urban, Ontario/Quebec centric biases, have always made it their policy to promote and protect the interests of the Laurentian elites.

Indeed, this is what the whole SNC-Lavalin scandal was all about.

Moreover, there's a strong personal connection between the Liberals and Canada's ruling classes, as the leaders of the Liberal Party have almost always sprung from the ranks of the Laurentian elites.

For instance, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau is about as Laurentian elitist as you can possibly get.

All this, needless to say, has put Conservatives in a quandary.

On the one hand, they can score a lot of political points, both within their base and beyond it, by taking an overt anti-Laurentian elite stance, as this will resonate in Western Canada and more generally in areas outside of Canada's major urban centres.

But on the other hand such a policy guarantees the Laurentian elites will strike back against the Conservatives with all their considerable might and power.

It certainly didn't help Conservative Party leader Andrew Scheer's cause, for example, that the Laurentian elites, through their media/union/political proxies seemed to target him in the last federal election.

This is why Conservative politicians have sometimes sought to make peace with the Canadian Establishment.

A case in point is former Conservative Prime Minister Stephen Harper.

At one time in his career, Harper was aggressively anti-Laurentian elite (remember he helped write the infamous "Alberta Firewall Letter" which took direct aim at the ruling classes take on Confederation), but after he became leader of the Conservative Party, he sought to win them over he began pandering to Quebec, he clamped down on the social conservative element of his party, he adopted middle-of-the road Liberal-style fiscal and economic policies.

Yet it was all for naught.

Throughout his term as prime minister, the Laurentian elites never accepted Harper; they always perceived him to be an enemy.

And this is a lesson for Conservatives, as they ponder their future in the wake of the recent election.

It's not just policies which cause Laurentian elites to spurn Conservatives, it's also a cultural thing.

From the point of view of Canada's ruling classes, Conservative leaders don't come from the right provinces, they don't come from the right class, they don't come from the right schools.

To put that another way, Conservatives are from the wrong side of the socio-economic tracks.

Yes, that's pure snobbery, but then again, they don't call them Laurentian elites for nothing.

We certainly saw this elitist attitude reflected in a comment made by Trudeau when Harper was still prime minister; said Trudeau: "Canada isn't doing well right now because it's Albertans who control our community and socio-democratic agenda.  It doesn't work."

Basically then, there's nothing Conservatives can really do to win over the Canadian Establishment, elites will always suspect conservatives of harboring a "hidden agenda."

Hence, the CBC will always hate them, public sector unions will always oppose them, bureaucratic mandarins will always fear them, subsidy-seeking corporate CEOs will always distrust them.

So if pandering to the elites won't work, the Conservatives really only have one choice, they have to battle them and battle them hard.

And by the way, the exact same thing goes for the socialist NDP, which the Establishment also distrusts and looks down upon.

This perhaps explains why populism, might one day erupt in this country as it has elsewhere.

Simply put, the Laurentian elites, in an effort to protect their own privileged status within society, will not tolerate allowing what they see as barbaric rabble from getting anywhere near the levers of power.

For them, the Liberals are the natural governing party.

Additionally, they feel no need to understand or to empathize with the plight of those citizens living and working outside their social circles.

It's this one-party-rule, pseudo-aristocratic mentality which could cause resentment across the country and resentment is the fuel of populism.

We see this happening right now in Alberta and Saskatchewan.

Mind you, I'm sure Canada's elites feel secure in their power, just as the French nobility once felt secure in theirs just before Bastille Day.

Photo Credit: CBC News

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


It is fascinating to watch, from the outside.  Every single national party leader seems to be completely tone-deaf when it comes to the election results.

Andrew Scheer remains convinced that a prime minister can hold his views on same-sex marriage and abortion and still be trusted by Canadians not to impose them.  "I believe you can have both of those positions: you can have a personal view and you can acknowledge that in Canada, the prime minister does not impose a particular viewpoint on Canadians," he stated gamely.

Because he didn't lose as badly as many expected him to, Jagmeet Singh is taking no responsibility for losing 20 seats and the decrease of the NDP's vote share in 185 ridings.  "That's life, sometimes it doesn't work out," Singh said.  His solution to recover in Quebec is to be "more present."  With only 1 seat now compared to 16 in 2015, that might be easier said than done.

Elizabeth May's campaign fizzled and the anticipated breakthrough didn't materialize, so now she is campaigning to become Speaker of the House of Commons.  "I am less partisan, certainly, than most members of Parliament," she claimed.  The very same day, she showed a very partisan side with a twitter attack on Singh.

Justin Trudeau is acting like nothing has changed: "You are sending our Liberal team back to work; back to Ottawa with a clear mandate."  The Prime Minister is planning to govern alone with his agenda.  He won't meet with the opposition leaders until after Remembrance Day.  His cabinet won't be formed until November 20th and the transition is taking much longer than expected for a returning government.

Those thinking the next Parliament as the beginning of a golden era of parties working together for the common good are sadly mistaken.  From now on, Prime Minister Trudeau has only one goal: recover the ground lost and get his majority back.  In front of him, he sees an out-of-shape opposition with little room to manoeuvre.  Scheer is facing an uphill battle to save his leadership.  Since his party is in no shape to go back into an election anytime soon, Singh is stuck propping up the Trudeau government, having ruled out the other option.

Canadians are looking at all of this in bewilderment.  Such is the state of our politics.  Canadians sent them a message: a pox on all your houses.  What they all seem to have heard is: a pox on everyone else's houses.

The only adult in the room seems to be Bloc Quebecois leader Yves-François Blanchet, the real and only winner of the election that just ended.  During the TVA debate that all but sealed the fate of Andrew Scheer, Blanchet stepped up and was discovered by Quebecers.  Truth be told, Blanchet was the only one that looked like a Prime Minister on that stage.

Blanchet has abandoned the stridency of predecessor Martine Ouellet on Quebec's separation, much to her dismay.  His support for Bill 21 has been steadfast but not vociferous.  Blanchet's approach seems responsible and reasonable.  "Our work is not to make Canadian federalism work.  Our mandate from voters is also not to impede it," Blanchet said on election night.

The Bloc's actions will be driven by the "Quebec consensus" as established by the National Assembly, lead by a popular, nationalist Coalition Avenir Québec government.  In essence, if it's good for Quebec, you can count on the Bloc.  If not, they won't play.

On election night, Yves-François Blanchet was celebrating:

"Remember four or six months ago people said we were crazy (to run for office).  Well, the crazies got elected and are headed to the House of Commons."

Two weeks later, the crazies are the only ones who seems to know what they are doing.

Photo Credit: CBC News

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.