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The craziness of the ongoing Canadian election is providing us all with an important "teachable moment."

And what it's teaching us is that political campaigns need a strong and consistent message.

In short, a well-constructed, succinct message,  one that resonates with the public, is a key ingredient to winning any electoral contest.

Consider the success of Barack Obama's message of "Hope and Change", or Donald Trump's "Drain the Swamp," or Rob Ford's "Stop the Gravy Train."

The formula is simple: come up with something to say, have a leader who can say it, and say over and over again.

But although it's simple in theory, as we're learning in this ongoing Canadian election, once a campaign gets underway a message strategy can sometimes unravel in a hurry.

As the old saying goes, "No plan survives contact with the enemy."

Indeed, the Liberal Party's messaging plan during this campaign careened into a ditch and burst into flames after it made contact with the brown face/blackface scandal currently rocking Prime Minister Justin Trudeau.

To put it simply, this bombshell of a scandal put the Liberals "off message".

Indeed, almost went overnight the Liberal slogan went from "Choose Forward" to "Justin Trudeau: He's no longer a racist!"

And to show why this matters, keep in mind, going into this election the Liberals basically had two key messages: a) Andrew Scheer is either a bigot or he tolerates bigots and b) Vote for Trudeau because he looks so adorably cute in his delightfully clever photo ops.

The blackface debacle, however, has derailed the "Scheer is a bigot angle", since, after all, bringing that up would only remind voters of Trudeau's own less than stellar past on race.

And since the Liberals were busy doing damage control, it meant Trudeau's photo ops had to be put on hold for a few days.

Only recently did he show up to a news conference paddling a canoe but please note Trudeau, still stinging from those blackface images, refrained from dressing up as a coureur de bois.

Now let's go from talking about Trudeau's blackface to Green Party leader Elizabeth May's red face.

Even though May has probably the easiest most direct message to communicate "Vote for Me to Save the Planet" her party still somehow managed to screw it up.

I'm talking about the infamous story of how the Green Party photoshopped a reusable metal straw and reusable cup into the hand May for a photograph on the party's website.

When the media caught on to this ruse, a Green Party spokesperson said she had no idea how the metal straw ended up in the picture, but told the media the image had been photoshopped replace a reusable cup, with a reusable cup featuring the Green Party logo.

But it turns out that wasn't true; crack reporters, who wouldn't let this crucially important story go, discovered the original photo actually showed May was holding (horror of horrors) a single-use, disposable cup.

For Greens this is a massive embarrassment, the equivalent of Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez getting caught wearing a "MAGA" hat.

Anyway, my point is thanks to sloppy, amateurish messaging from her party, May went from attacking others for their lack of action on the environment to defending herself from charges of hypocrisy.

I'm sure someone at the Green Party was charged with photoshopping the embarrassed look off May's face.

And this brings us to the Conservative Party and its leader, Andrew Scheer, who, unlike May or Trudeau, has more or less managed to stay on message.

But the problem for the Conservatives isn't the message, it's the messenger, i.e. Scheer is about as inspiring and passionate as a damp sponge.

Whenever he appears in a TV ad or gives a speech or talks to the media, he's completely devoid of anything resembling energy, he seems robotic and stilted and his talking points are delivered with a boring monotone.

Essentially, Scheer sounds rehearsed.

Seems to me a better communicator would be making mincemeat out of Trudeau right now.

And this illustrates a key point about messaging in politics, namely a party's message will have more or less credibility and more or less power depending on who is giving it.  As Marshall Mcluhan famously put it, "the medium is the message."

At any rate, as you can see communication pitfalls or shortcomings can trip up any campaign's messaging strategy; sometimes it's a massive and unexpected scandal, other times it can be something as seemingly trivial as a paper cup.

To meet such challenges a political campaign's communication team has to be adaptable and able to modify a message strategy on the fly.

As jazz musician Barry Harris, once put it, "The minute you make a mistake, that's improvisation."

Photo Credit: Jeff Burney, Loonie Politics

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


In an election campaign where parties seem desperate to outdo one another with increasingly stupid policy proposals, Conservative leader Andrew Scheer has twice now felt it appropriate policy to bother the Supreme Court of Canada with matters of his political expediency.  Once was bad enough, particularly given that he was proposing something by which there isn't actually a mechanism to get the Supreme Court to do what he wants, but the second time was far darker both in intent and in probable outcome added to the fact that it is wrapped in a pernicious lie that he is trying to leverage to his benefit in the election campaign.  Either way, this constant demand that the Supreme Court play a more robust political role, whether it's to provide political cover or to be in an existential game of "Mother, May I?", is dangerous and unbecoming.

Sadly, there is a long tradition in this country of politicians courageously waiting for the Supreme Court to "force" them to do the right thing, because they have neither the spines, intestinal fortitude, nor gonads to do it and risk the wrath of socially conservative voters.  This is especially true for the LGBT community, whether it's the repeal of sodomy laws, the extension of human rights protections, or eventually same-sex marriage (to which the Martin government added a fourth question to the reference that the Chrétien government before it began, designed solely as political cover transparently enough that the Supreme Court opted to turn the tables on Martin and decline to answer).

The Supreme Court had to overturn prostitution laws that were supposed to have long since been updated by a Parliament too timid to broach the subject while hundreds of sex workers died needlessly, and even more recently, the Supreme Court had to rule on the question of medical assistance in dying before Parliament could be moved to act, and even then, the current government (and Jody Wilson-Raybould in particular) presented legislation that did not conform to the Court's ruling, and has forced advocates to go back to the courts in order to be told as much, because the government (and Wilson-Raybould in particular) couldn't handle a topic that was too "controversial" for them to effectively manage.  After all, this is a government that can't communicate their way out of a wet paper bag, nor manage an issue to save their lives.

Doing the work of governments, federal and provincial, too timid to do abide by the Charter is one thing, but now comes a new brand of political shitbaggery that aims to make the Supreme Court even more of a political actor because it's politically expedient to do so.  I refer to Scheer's two campaign proposals to date that would drag in the Supreme Court to the political arena.  The first was his suggestion that any jurisdictional challenges over pipelines be "fast-tracked" to the Supreme Court erm, without there being an actual mechanism to do so.  Yes, a government could put a reference question to the Court, which is not the same as taking a live issue and immediately bypassing the lower courts in the hopes of getting a final answer right away.  (Well, right away being a relative term because generally there is a six-month lag between when the Supreme Court grants leave and them hearing the case, and then six months to a year for them to render a decision).

The Supreme Court of Canada is not a court of first instance.  It is not built to hear witnesses and get expert testimony directly, nor should it.  That's the job of the lower courts and for those judges to make decisions, which can then be appealed to the Supreme Court where there are records and factums for the judges to draw from, and hear arguments on why those lower-court decisions were right or wrong.  That's an important way that the legal system operates, and while it may be inconvenient for Scheer and others to have to go through the process, it exists for a reason, so that matters can have their day in court, and have the deliberations of Courts of Appeal on the matters before they get to the Supreme Court.  Loading their docket with the spats of premiers and prime ministers who refuse to sit down and work together and would rather have the Court deliver a spanking to someone is no way to run a country.

Scheer's second instance was as part of his cudgel in trying to use the Double-Hyphen Affair on the campaign trail, and pledged to introduce a childishly named No More Cover-Ups Act that would empower the RCMP to go directly to the Supreme Court in order to gain access to cabinet documents.  It's both stupid to promise, and it's part a distasteful policy release that includes calling for a politically motivated judicial inquiry into the Double-Hyphen Affair something that Scheer is trying to do in order tap into the American "Lock Her Up!" mentality (because we're LARPing American politics now) never mind that judicial inquiries should not be politicized, that we don't try to demand the police investigate our political rivals like they would in banana republics, but most importantly, we don't want to drag in the Supreme Court to be a political actor in the centre of this kind of nonsense.  Even more to the point, Cabinet confidences are at the heart of our system of government, and it can only operate on the basis of cabinet solidarity, and for that to work it needs confidentiality.  Trying to assert that they would be used to cover up corruption is a way of trying to undermine our very system of government.

If the RCMP were investigating a matter and they are not the proper place for judicial review for Cabinet confidences would be the Federal Court, not the Supreme Court, as a court of first instance.  But this is about Scheer lying to the public again to create that false impression, and trying to drag the Supreme Court into it for his own political cover.  This needs to be called out for what it is.  The Supreme Court of Canada does not exist to provide cover for reluctant or mendacious politicians, and we only risk damaging our most trusted institutions if we continue to play these kinds of games with them.  This needs to stop.  Now.

Photo Credit: CBC News

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


In a discussion with my group chat over who will get our vote this cycle, we concluded that the only party left that we can stand is the Animal Protection Party of Canada.  So that's been my week.  Let's get to everyone else's week.

  1. Add "previous Liberal government" back to the drinking game

It probably wasn't a good idea for Conservative leader Andrew Scheer to promise an inquiry into the SNC-Lavalin scandal during the same week that talk of impeaching U.S. President Donald Trump truly kicked off.  It only highlights how very Canadian this scandal was, and how easily it can be ignored when Trump does worse.  But even if his timing were perfect, what good would an inquiry do, other than to give the Conservatives, if they should form government, a year or two to waste everyone's time on a Liberal matter we already understand instead of building a record of their own?

There is a second part to his promise: allowing the RCMP to apply to the Supreme Court for access to information protected by cabinet confidentiality.  He calls this the "No More Cover Ups Act," even though this byzantine process would not outright eliminate the possibility of cover-ups.  But the real problem he should be aiming to fix is not cabinet confidentiality, but government's coziness with big business.  Since he is only pledging to cut $1.5 billion of Canada's estimated $29 billion annual corporate welfare spend, don't hold your breath.

  1. Did you know Justin likes canoes?  DID YOU?!

Living in the Pacific Northwest, where deer regularly visit our backyard and bald eagles can often be spotted at the nearby state park, I have developed a new fondness for political commitments to environmental conservation and outdoor education.  But that didn't stop me from groaning out loud when I read Prime Minister Justin Trudeau's pledge that, under his second mandate, low-income families will receive a $2,000 bursary to camp in national or provincial parks, with help from the good people at VIA Rail.

Except many of those parks are not directly accessible by train; of the parks the Liberals named, Banff is three to four hours north of the station in Jasper, and there are no VIA stations at all in Newfoundland, which leaves Gros Morne out.  $2,000 may not be enough to cover a family's worth of equipment and food, on top of extra transportation.  Low-income families may have more important uses for an extra four-figure sum.  Plus they may not be able or willing to take days off to use it for this purpose.  I don't know who they think they're helping with this idea, other than Trudeau himself, because he has never met a canoe-related photo op he didn't love.

  1. Speaking of big business coziness…

Perhaps no sector of the Canadian economy is more universally loathed than the telecom sector.  What do the Liberals plan to do about their overcharging?  Threaten them with increased competition unless they lower their charges by 25 percent.  What does the NDP plan to do?  Cap their charges and say nothing of increasing competition.  As far as the NDP is concerned, the government should feel free to pursue any avenue of redress against gouge-happy corporations, no matter how few such avenues consumers get.

  1. Cups should roll for this

The art of communication is a two-way process, which means that its specialists must always confirm certain details with the people for whom they communicate before they do like what kind of cup they were actually using, for example.  In their zeal to spare Green Party leader Elizabeth May from being razzed over being photographed with a single-use plastic drinking cup, party staff did not think to ask her if that's actually what she was holding.  Turns out the cup was reusable and compostable, which means they created the embarrassing coverage they sought to avert.  The Photoshop game is on point, but I pity the poor graphic artist who wasted their skill on this.

  1. Now they'll have to find something else to do.  Like watching paint dry.

Thoughts and prayers to all those who planned to spend their weekend watching professional drinking bird Dave Rubin agree with People's Party leader Maxime Bernier in Hamilton.  It appears he has been forced to cancel the event due to prohibitive security costs imposed by Mohawk College, following threats of disruption from local radical leftists.  To which I say: Wrong approach, kids.  People like Rubin and Bernier live to be cancelled on account of overzealous activists.  Just hold a more fun party across the street and pretend you didn't know theirs was happening.

Photo Credit: National Post

Written by Jess Morgan

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


There are so many things to dislike about politics that it's hard to know where to start.  Like one of those "all you can stand" buffets where you're free to pile your plate high again and again, except nothing looks like you could swallow or possibly even chew it.  But if there's one tray I'm not touching, and you shouldn't either, it's the "And after lunch, world peace" bin.

For instance a smug tweet the other day that "A re-elected Liberal government will further strengthen our #healthcare system for everyone by ensuring Canadians have access to:/ National Pharmacare/ A family doctor/ Improved homecare/ Improved mental health services" followed by a link to their platform.  Do not even nibble this indigestibly insolent nonsense.

Starting with the greasy "will further strengthen".  It's a classic fudge implying that there's an appalling crisis that requires you to vote for them because they're so great while everything is under complete control because they've been in power for four years and they're so great.

I might seem obsessed with "trivial" rhetorical offences like the PM putting out a press release saying on Sept. 21, the "International Day of Peace", "we celebrate global efforts to make peace a reality around the world" when not one person celebrated any such thing.  No one raised a glass, lit a candle or anything else.  Including him.  And he knows it.  But if we swallow debasement of language and thought on minor matters we are disarmed when attempting to discuss or denounce larger ones, because we no longer expect words, deeds and thoughts to have any coherent connection.

Ditto petty lies, like the Greens photoshopping Elizabeth May, then lying that she was holding a different reusable cup in the original photo they couldn't find, then lying that everything was great when confronted with her holding a disposable in the readily available image.  The paper cup doesn't matter.  But the series of lies followed by the "Make me talk sense" sneer does matter because if they get away with such conduct when on trivia, they'll do it on important things.  Like health care.

Even on the fiscal side, with health consuming over 40% of every provincial budget and the moldy strait-jacket of the 1984 Canada Health Act continuing to inhibit even timid experimentation, it's a looming disaster.  And the pain, misery and death caused by waiting lists is even more horrible.  Which brings me to the "if I could walk like that" problem with the Liberal health pledge-like object.

If they actually know how to do all these things, why on Earth haven't they done them already?  In Trudeau's four years in power, Chrétien's decade, McGuinty-Wynne's 15 or anywhere else?  They have no idea.  Yet when they babble inane promises we go oh yeah cool or I prefer this other inanity instead of saying no, we won't be talked to like that.

Which brings me to the second hideously "how-less" Liberal promise.  My former colleague and friend Kris Sims recently Tweeted, aghast, about the latest Liberal climate pledge that "This plan and presser is so calorie and content free I'm losing weight just listening to it.  Canada isn't even making the 2030 targets let alone the 2050.  But @JustinTrudeau says we will.  But will not explain how to the reporters repeatedly asking him HOW."  To which I Tweeted "There is no how.  There is only promise and not promise."

Which isn't strictly true; as my current colleague Andrew Coyne just wrote the old fashioned way, in a newspaper, the current election offers a choice of "bad policy versus no policy" because of a "vacuity gap" in which "the Conservatives' promises are specific, costed and mostly stupid, while the Liberals' are vague, uncosted and mostly meaningless…. policies so devoid of detail or any sense of how they could be practically achieved that they dissolve on contact."  Even minor ones like cutting cellphone charges by a 25%.

I very much resent the two big national parties boxing us into a strategic voting choice between marching into disaster and drifting into it.  I'm tempted by those bumper stickers saying "Cthulhu for President/ Why Settle For A Lesser Evil?"  But what I really urge you to do is get out of the box.  Confront the candidate and say give me some bad news but don't smile and act like a fool.

To be fair, at least on pharmacare the Liberals are lying about the $6 billion price tag.  And a lie can be exposed, wrestled with and possibly refuted while insolent vacuity offers no handhold.

Thus Environment and Climate Change Minister McKenna just debagged the cat, or a greased pig, on climate in a way that reminds us why the pros want candidates, and ministers, to be talking-point-reciting robots.  "Do we have all the details?  No."  But "The point is right now, we need to get elected … If we are re-elected we will look at how best to do this."

One is tempted to say that blurt would be bad enough if you were noobs.  But you've been environment minister for four years.  If you haven't figured it out already, and nor has anyone else anywhere in the world, (a) what business have you got promising to figure it out the day after we trust them with more power and, (b) why didn't you think about it before making the promise.  But to ask either question is to misunderstand how their minds work.

They do not believe methods matter.  They simply believe that they can move mountains through their unshakeable faith in themselves.  Which in fact also explains why the Tories can put forward proven bad plans and brush off critics as not team players.

So the real question to ask is (c) why do you think it will work electorally given how many mountain ranges we've seen not move over the years?  To which, if not yet over her fit of frankness, McKenna might reply snidely "Well, it has so far."

The only way to stop them from serving this slop is for us to stop grimacing and then eating it anyway.

Photo Credit: CBC News

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


That groan you're hearing from the west is Alberta New Democrats voicing their opinion of Jagmeet Singh's recent pronouncements on provincial vetoes over national infrastructure projects.

With his promise that a federal NDP government wouldn't impose national infrastructure projects (meaning pipelines) on unwilling provinces, Singh appears to be determined to widen the rift between the Alberta provincial wing of the party and the federal mothership.

There hasn't been much unity in the New Democratic movement in Canada for a couple of years now.  The success of the Alberta NDP in 2015 was founded on a pragmatic job-preserving reading of party doctrine.  That put Premier Rachel Notley squarely at odds with her NDP neighbour to the west as the B.C. NDP government opposed the pipelines to the coast which could ensure Alberta oil patch wellbeing.

And relations on the national front during Notley's tenure in office have also been icy.  In 2016 a federal NDP convention in Edmonton opened the schism right in Notley's backyard as the party flirted with the anti-oil LEAF Manifesto.

Singh has raised Notley's ire more than once with his objections to pipeline builds across the country.

His criticism of the federal government's purchase of the TransMountain Pipeline to kickstart that project prompted Notley to articulate their differences last summer.

"I am a New Democrat that comes from the part of the party that understands that you don't bring about equality and fairness without focusing on jobs for regular working people… To forget that and to throw them under the bus as collateral damage in pursuit of some other high level policy objective is a recipe for failure and it's also very elitist," she said.

Now Singh has solidified his stand that he would not impose an infrastructure project on a province during an interview with the CBC.  The statement appeared to refer to the objections of Quebec to the Energy East pipeline but he doubled down in a followup interview to make it clear he meant any province.

Singh tried to soften his stand with a dissertation on consensus building.

"But that's kind of the beauty of federalism, that it's not something that should be where we're imposing decisions, where we work and provide an advantage, provide investments, show people that this is going to be to their benefit and, if that can be done, then it should be a project that goes ahead."

Lovely sentiment, but shaky interpretation of confederation and the powers of the federal government.

It also reads as a direct provocation to Alberta, a landlocked province with a whole lot of skin in the national infrastructure game. Coastal provinces would forever have an advantage in terms of the big transportation infrastructure needed to get goods and commodities from the heartland to port.

If one were being cynical, one might point out that in the calculus of winnable NDP seats, Singh's promise is a vote getter.  Quebec and B.C., two provinces with the whip hand in terms of getting Canadian oil to market, are also potential NDP-LIberal battlegrounds.  And playing to opposition to pipelines in those provinces makes political sense.

Alberta, on the other hand, holds virtually no political interest for the NDP during this election.  The one NDP MP in the province, Linda Duncan from Edmonton Strathcona, is not running again.  The polls predict a solid Conservative victory across Alberta ridings.

But the wider implications of Singh's wish to avoid imposing projects of national scope on the provinces also raises some red flags for the country as a whole.  Taken to its ultimate conclusion it would require rewriting federal powers and several pieces of legislation.

Even taken as a way of governing for a specific administration, it assumes individual provinces won't play their veto power for crass political advantage or wield it like a club in disputes with neighbouring provinces.

In the immediate term of this election contest, Singh is ensuring that federal NDP candidates in Alberta will have little chance of election on Oct. 21.  And the hope for federal-provincial political harmony is moving ever farther away for his party.

Photo Credit: CBC News

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Exactly one century ago this month, Canada's Ministry of Health was born, assuming federal responsibility for health from the Department of Agriculture.  Over the 100 subsequent years, Canada's health system has changed remarkably, particularly the implementation of a universal healthcare system in each province and territory across the country.

While Canadians often boast about their social healthcare a typical cheeky chant from Vancouver Whitecaps soccer supporters who travel to away matches in the USA is "we've got healthcare" the reality is that the scope of Canada's public health system lags behind most European countries.  Only 71 percent of health costs in Canada are covered by the public system, according to the Canadian Institute for Health Information, whereas in Europe the figure is often 85 percent.  Here in Canada, many medically-necessary products and services such as pharmaceuticals, dentistry, mental health, optometry, physiotherapy and audiology are largely excluded from the public system.

For Canadians who cannot afford to purchase such services from the private sector, they are generally forced to go without, despite the detrimental impact to their personal health.  The Canadian Medical Association has noted that access to care is not equitable, causing millions of dollars' worth of avoidable hospital visits, a decline in economic productivity, less community participation and greater social isolation.

As we prepare to vote next month, Canadians view healthcare as a major issue.  An Abacus Data poll conducted in late August found healthcare was respondents' second most important topic, while an Angus Reid poll from late August and a Ipsos poll from mid-September both found healthcare to be the primary issue of concern for Canadians.

The pending election provides an opportunity to expand the range of health services covered by Canada's public care system.  Three political parties the Liberals, New Democrats and Greens have already proposed incorporating at least one additional major health service into the public system, while the Conservatives have claimed that expanding healthcare coverage would ultimately hurt people in poverty.

Pharmacare has received considerable attention during the election period thus far.  According to the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), Canadians pay the third-highest prices for prescription drugs of its 36 member countries.  As an extreme example, if an adult were to be diagnosed with late-onset Pompe disease and be prescribed Myozyme (alglucosidase alfa), the cost could be greater than half a million dollars each year.  A 2002 Senate report recommended "…the federal government introduce a program to protect Canadians against catastrophic prescription drug expenses."

"Study after study has confirmed universal drug coverage is the most efficient, economical and equitable option for Canada," Linda Silas, president of the Canadian Federation of Nurses Unions, told the CBC on Monday.  According to an article in the Canadian Medical Association Journal, implementing a national pharmacare program could lower drug costs by $7.3 billion annually.

The Canadian Medical Association has argued that "all Canadians should have access to medically necessary drugs regardless of their ability to pay," and stated that its member doctors support "a single, national, public pharmacare plan operated by the federal government and funded by taxes collected by the federal government."

The New Democrats are offering a universal pharmacare program that would begin covering Health Canada-approved drugs by late 2020, and would save the average family $500 each year.  The Greens are also promising to cover all Canadians with pharmacare, as well as establish a bulk drug purchasing agency.  Meanwhile, the Liberals have promised to take "critical next steps" toward a national pharmacare program, but the money they've pledged is only a small fraction of the actual cost (the amount wouldn't even cover "essential medicines"), the proposal lacks a timeline, and the Liberals wouldn't force provinces to adopt it.

Countries that already include pharmacare in their public health system include Australia, New Zealand, Germany, Sweden, France, Netherlands, Italy, Switzerland, Norway, Israel, Japan and Taiwan.  Denmark subsidizes drug costs, while the United Kingdom only requires a co-payment of £8.40 for all prescriptions.

Dental care is another topic of discussion this election campaign.  According to the Canadian Association of Public Health Dentistry, 32 percent of Canadians do not have dental insurance, and an estimated 6 million people don't visit a dentist each year because they cannot afford the costs.  Research has found evidence of links between poor oral health and chronic disease of the heart, lungs and stomach.

Dr. Hazel Stewart, former director of dental and oral health services for the City of Toronto, wrote in the Toronto Star last month that, "While previous governments have shied away from implementing universal dental care because of the cost, the reality is that we're paying more to treat the health consequences of dental neglect than we would if we invested in primary dental care."

Two medical experts told the Huffington Post that in 2014 there were "almost 222,000 visits to Ontario physician offices for teeth and gum issues," despite that physicians are not able to deal with such medical problems.  Dr. Mario Brendan, director of the UBC Faculty of Dentistry's dental public health program, told Dentistry Today that the annual cost of trips to emergency rooms across Canada due to preventable dental conditions was $155 million.

The Canadian Association of Public Health Dentistry supports "inclusion of oral health care as a core or essential healthcare service for all Canadians," and recommends that the government "commit to invest at least $600 million annually to support provinces/territories to expand their public dental programs…"

Political discourse about adding dental service to public healthcare has been ongoing for at least 88 years.  In 1931, Ontario's minister of health stated it was the "duty" of the state to help parents pay for dental care for their children.  That same province's Progressive Conservatives came to power in 1943 with the promise of public denticare, yet after 42 consecutive years in office had still not delivered it.  The 1964 Royal Commission on Health Service's top recommendation was to offer public dental care.

The NDP has pledged to offer denticare beginning in January 2020 for free to families with an annual household income of less than $70,000, and a sliding co-payment scale for those earning up to $90,000, as the first step toward eventual universal coverage.  The Greens are promising dental care for "low-income Canadians," although the threshold has not been specified.  The Liberals have not made any mention of dental care thus far, and Liberal health minister Ginette Petitpas Taylor told a House of Commons committee this past December that "no federal investments are being made," as Andrew MacLeod noted last week in the Tyee.

Dental care is part of public healthcare in Germany, France, Japan and Taiwan.  Most costs are covered by government in the United Kingdom and in Denmark.  Free children's dental services are offered in Australia, New Zealand, Sweden, Netherlands, Norway, Italy and Israel.

Mental health has also been debated this election campaign.  The Canadian Mental Health Association estimates 6.7 million or one of every five Canadians experience mental illness every year, yet mental health services are not available for most Canadians.  The Canadian Medical Association (CMA) and Canadian Psychiatric Association (CPA) note that that fewer than one-third of Canadians with a mental illness will seek treatment.

Significant cost savings could be achieved by offering preventative services.  According to the CMA and CPA, "Mental illness costs Canada over $50 billion annually in health care costs, lost productivity and reductions in health-related quality of life."  However, it would cost only $3.1 billion a year to achieve the level of funding the Canadian Mental Health Association (CMHA) recommends.  Likewise, the price of implementing a national psychotherapy program would be just several hundred million dollars each year, according to a Canadian Psychological Association study conducted by the University of Calgary's Keith Dobson, as reported in the Vancouver Sun.

The CPA argues that mental health should receive a larger share of overall public health funding, while the CMHA recommends the government "publicly fund evidence-based therapies." The CMA and CPA both advocate for an "appropriate supply" of mental health professionals and "equitable coverage of essential mental health care and treatment."

The Liberals have offered an unspecified increase to mental health funding.  The Greens pledge to establish a national mental health strategy and expand services, but offer no further details.  The NDP platform makes 11 mentions of mental health but offers no specific new promises, stating it would eventually become part of their "head-to-toe" universal healthcare system.

Mental health is covered by public healthcare in New Zealand, Denmark, Sweden, Germany, Switzerland, Israel, Japan and Taiwan.  Netherlands offers full payment for severe cases, while services are partially covered in France.  The USA's Affordable Care Act requires mental health coverage from all individual insurance plans and small-company health plans.

Optometry or eye care is another element of healthcare where significant savings could be achieved by incorporating services into the public system.  The Canadian Association of Optometrists (CAO) advocates that eye health be treated as a core component of overall health, and claims that "Vision correction is one of the most cost-effective interventions in human and economic development… Millions of dollars could be saved annually if avoidable vision loss was prevented.  A return of close to $5 for every dollar invested can be achieved."

The organization also states that "Lower educational attainment and employment rates, higher absenteeism, decreased salary, injury, premature retirement, lower socioeconomic position and poorer health and life chances are all associated with poor visual function… People with vision loss are at greater risk of social isolation and reduced community participation."

According to the CAO, 75 percent of vision loss is preventable or treatable, while 80 percent of learning is visual, making vision health particularly important for children.  An estimated one in four school-aged children in Canada has an undetected vision issue.

The NDP aims to eventually include optometry in its "head-to-toe" universal healthcare system, while the Liberals and Greens have made no offers to publicly cover vision services.  Optometry is part of public healthcare in Germany and France, and is subsidized in Denmark.  Both Sweden and Switzerland pay for children's vision services.

Physiotherapy is another health service that could reap substantial savings if brought under the public umbrella.  According to the Canadian Physiotherapy Association, one in five Canadians live with chronic pain.  Physiotherapy could be used to decrease treatment costs and to minimize the prescription of opioids.

The Canadian Physiotherapy Association estimates that by 2036, more than 62 percent of health care spending will be on senior citizens, and argues that physiotherapy services are more cost-effective than hospital-based procedures such as post-fall surgery or extended hospital stays.

Manitoba's provincial government recently made cuts to outpatient physiotherapy coverage to alleviate a decrease in the province's sales tax.

The federal Greens promise to expand rehabilitation services.  The NDP platform does not mention physiotherapy, although the party's vision of eventual "head-to-toe" coverage would assumedly incorporate it.  The Liberals have made no offers to expand public physiotherapy coverage.

The United Kingdom, France, Sweden, Switzerland, Norway, Japan and Taiwan all include physiotherapy in public health.  Denmark subsidizes the cost, while Netherland covers payment until the age of 18.

Audiology or hearing care is an often overlooked aspect of health.  The Canadian Academy of Audiology has bemoaned the "…alarming disparity in the hearing health services available to infants and children," while the Canada Infant Hearing Task Force gave Canada a grade of "insufficient" in its 2019 report card on early hearing detection and intervention programs.

Speech-Language & Audiology Canada has stated that, "All children in Canada deserve access to timely and high-quality hearing health services," while "seniors need improved access to… audiology services."

With the Accessible Canada Act (formerly Bill C-81) receiving royal assent this past summer, don't be surprised if access to hearing health services and devices receives greater publicity in the months ahead.

The NDP mentions the importance of hearing care in their platform, but no specific promises are made.  The Green platform is silent on hearing health, while the Liberals have not made any related announcements.

As Canada is one of the wealthiest countries in the world, our glaring disparities regarding access to health services and health outcomes must be tackled.  As already mentioned, incorporating medically-required health services into the public system could offer substantial cost savings.  If the most impoverished Canadians are able to live happy and healthy lives, we all benefit from their greater contributions to society and the economy.

The logic behind including physician and emergency health services in the public care system for the past five decades is no different than covering all other medically-necessary services.  The expansion of Canada's incomplete universal healthcare system is long overdue, and next month's federal election will allow voters to finally nudge the government down that inevitable path.

Photo Credit: Healthcare Global

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


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The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


If Justin Trudeau's first kick at the can as Liberal leader was tragedy — lofty promises squandered at the altar of smart — we've now passed into the realm of farce.  Canada's smarmiest moralizer turns out to have enjoyed putting on a bit of blackface in his not-so-youth.

Many of his MPs and allies have accepted Trudeau's apology, they say, because he has not governed like the type of — and I'm being extremely generous here — self-absorbed jackass who darkens their skin for laughs at multiple events over multiple years.

But that was last week, and this is this week.  With the fracas out of the way of revelations about Trudeau's past racist — his description â€” actions, he and the Liberals have attempted the pivot to policy.  Their obvious plan of drip-drip revelations of the bad behaviour of Conservative candidates, broadcast by various mid-tier Trudeau acolytes, has now had to give way to something — anything! — else, now that the leader has been found to behaving in perhaps the worst way imaginable.

What we are now being given are a bunch of farcical policy announcements with more than a whiff of the slap-dash about them.

Take, for example, this week's announcement a re-elected Liberal government would turn the Canadian economy carbon neutral by 2050.  This is a great and necessary idea, but for this one giant problem — they have no goddamned clue how they'd do it.

The entire announcement was they'll figure it out later.  They explicitly say so in their press release: they'll set "based on the advice of the experts and consultations with Canadians"; appoint a bunch of (other?) experts to give policy recommendations; "exceed Canada's 2030 emissions goal" (that's the bullet point); setup worker retraining programs for anyone in an industry affected by whatever the changes they make end up being.

Okay, okay.  In their defence, they have released some plans for how to reduce carbon emissions.  The first is a series of credits, interest-free loans, and grants for homeowners to either retrofit their properties to make them more environmentally friendly, or money to offset the higher cost of buying a house that is zero-emissions.  There is also a significant series of tax breaks on offer for companies developing clean technologies.

If these sound familiar, that's because they're policy announcements the Conservatives have essentially made, too.  They've got a renovation tax credit.  And the green tech incentives sound an awful lot like Conservative Leader Andrew Scheer's laughable climate-change plan released in the run up to the election.  The weight is being put onto the hopes of some future innovation to save us from really having to do something.

These will make a dent in the country's emissions, but it's nowhere near enough to get the country as a whole down to zero emissions.  That part of the plan will be left up to the endless — one can only assume — consultation process over the next term of a Liberal government.

And what, exactly, is the plan for the billions of dollars spent buying an unbuilt pipeline?  Are we just supposed to sink our money into that in the hope some magic solution comes along making oilsands extraction miraculously carbon neutral, so this purchase hasn't been a waste?  Or is the purchase of TransMountain a shameless electoral play to placate Albertans — who are not, by the way, placated — in the hopes they will see the light of the Liberals' nobody's happy approach to climate policy?

The environment minister has on several occasions dodged questions as to how high the carbon tax will need to go to make a worthwhile dent in emissions — it's going to have to be a lot! — which is another way of kicking the can for decisions further down the road.  If this party is so focused and concerned about fighting climate change, maybe they should tell us what they would do to fight climate change.

The trouble with this policy pivot is how the current incarnation of Trudeau's government breezily cast aside so many of the policies it promised in the last election.

Sure, all politicians are full of shit.  But not many politicians have the gall to so cheerily promise a change from the wretched status quo, only to ditch it at the first sign things might poll badly.  Don't piss on my leg and tell me it's raining, certainly not a second time.

And let's not forget one the possible outcomes of all this, is that because of the prime minister's past as a total dipshit — here I go, being generous again — that he never though to get ahead of and mention in a decade of elected life, we're staring down the barrel of a repeat of what happened in Ontario.  A bunch of Liberals too high on their horses decided to cast aside the idea of governing well, in favour of taking shortcuts, leading directly to the thing they've been waring everyone about: a Conservative government.

If these people could sit down for a hot second and really think through all their desperate warnings of the Conservatives, and consider they themselves are making a Conservative government possible, perhaps they would change their ways.

But they cannot see that, or if they can they bury it like particularly vivid recurring nightmare.  It's a funny side effect of the exodus of stalwart Ontario Liberal mucky-mucks up the St. Lawrence.  After screwing over one province, they are well on their way to screwing the whole country.

Trudeau's pitch is built around the idea he needs to be re-elected to continue the good works of his government.  But so many of the actual good works he promised never panned out, which is perhaps why the campaign spent its opening weeks not being for things, but by hoping to tie up their opponent in the dubious histories of his candidates.

Now they're forced to get elected on the strength of their ideas, and have all the flex of a showboating Bugs Bunny.

Photo Credit: BBC News

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


If you are to believe the current polling analysis, the fact that Justin Trudeau was exposed as a serial blackfacer has had no impact on Canadian voters.  The numbers have not moved, they say.  Things are exactly the same, they say.

Except they aren't, of course.

Voting intentions are only one part of the equation.  They don't usually change radically or quickly over one event or another, although sometimes they do.  But other indicators can show that indeed, voters are being influenced by the images revealing Justin Trudeau wearing blackface not once, not twice, but on at least three different occasions.

His reputation has suffered because of it.  His campaign was derailed because of it.   The whole thing has helped Jagmeet Singh shine as a political leader.  And the whole thing fed right into the political narrative being set for a week now by the opposition parties.  Justin Trudeau is "not as advertised", say the Conservatives. "Justin Trudeau is not who he pretended to be", say the New Democrats.

These lines were used before Trudeau's makeup habits became an international embarrassment.  They were not used by coincidence: you can be sure that both parties found that Trudeau had been a disappointment with soft liberal voters and that this line of arguments worked to shake them loose.

And loose they have been shaken by the Trudeau blackface storyline.  Perhaps not to the point of abandoning him in droves yet.  But a few, certainly, have gone elsewhere.  And with a tight race like the one unfolding before our eyes, a point or two can make the difference between a minority and a majority of one colour or another.

The campaign began with Justin Trudeau's approval ratings being below those of Donald Trump, which is kind of incredible when you think about it.  Which perhaps explains why Liberal supporters were reacting exactly as Trump supporters when their own Dear Leader is caught doing bad things: "It's not as bad as it looks, and the other side would be much worse!"

The Liberal campaign has been trying to change the channel, to talk about the "real issues" (as if racism and the Prime Minister's racist actions were not real!), improvising announcements about guns, cell phones and the environment with little or even no details.

Details do not matter to Liberal strategists, you see: they would rather have a debate about details (or lack thereof) of their plan to fight climate change than discuss what exactly was Justin Trudeau dressed as when wearing blackface and an Afro wig on a white-water rafting trip a few years ago.  What is on that t-shirt exactly, is that a toucan or bananas?  And did you put something down your pants or were you just happy to see the camera?

Those questions remain unanswered, despite being asked repeatedly on the campaign trail.  It has become a battle of the wills: on one side, reporters trying to figure out who was that 3rd blackface character, after Aladdin and Harry Belafonte.  On the other side, Justin Trudeau refusing to answer, repeating "I have been open with Canadians, I will continue to be open with Canadians."  Open?  Of course he wasn't, until somebody opened the box for all of us to see.

A box that Justin Trudeau doesn't want to be stuck in alone, as he made clear in his initial response to the story: "This is part of the reflections we all have to have on how we judge the mistakes that we've made in the past, how we take responsibility for them and mostly, how we keep moving forward as a society recognizing that we do need to do more to fight anti-black racism, systemic discrimination, unconscious bias."

We all learned a lot.

Indeed, Canadians now see Justin Trudeau under a different light.  Everything that he now says or does is said or done after his blackface costumes have been revealed.  Which means that the prism through which voters are seeing it has darkened.  The sunny ways are long gone.

Photo Credit: The Guardian

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Well.  That sure was an election, wasn't it?  Except some notable riding losses here and there, I can't say the outcome was much of a surprise.  Now that everyone is out of official campaign mode, the real work can begin.

  1. Trudeau's task: Cast off the cronies

We could discuss the importance of courting the West, now that the Liberals have no representation in Alberta and Saskatchewan and a likely coalition partner (see #3) that would love to see the Trans Mountain pipeline reduced to a charming theory.  To that end, we will focus on the least Prime Minister Justin Trudeau can do to convince Westerners that you don't need to be an entrenched Liberal interest in Quebec or Ontario to benefit from his generosity.  In short, let SNC-Lavalin hit the floor.

I'm not just talking about the company itself.  Letting the judicial process play out unhindered is the least of the least Trudeau could do.  I'm talking about the entire sordid mess he got himself into.  Stop blocking any testimonies or releases of information.  If an official inquiry is launched, show up and state his business.  If anyone else in the party is caught making even the appearance of a conflict of interest, stop them immediately.  The Liberals can afford no further coziness with corporate Canada.

  1. Scheer's task: Stop hiding

Conservative leader Andrew Scheer must learn that the Stephen Harper playbook can only carry you so far when you are not Stephen Harper.  By defining himself as a coldly calculated political operative, he successfully reduced cries of a hidden agenda to hardcore non-Conservatives who would never trust him anyway.  Scheer, however, left soft voters wondering what he was really about.  Between this and his refusal to engage on topics that made him less than comfortable, there's already talk of who will replace him.  I've heard three names floated, and I'm actually quite pleased about one of them.

However many long knives are being sharpened, losing to Trudeau after SNC-Lavalin and blackface should be a huge wake-up call for Scheer: He has been taking the wrong advice.  He has heard for two years that he gives his opponents too much room to define him.  Now, at long last, he must define himself.

  1. Singh's task: Do the dirty work

Logically, NDP leader Jagmeet Singh should be the most in fear for his future, with a fourth-place finish and 20 fewer seats not bad compared to Thomas Mulcair's 51-seat loss in 2015, but abysmal when you consider where most of the losses took place (see #5).  But since the NDP is the likeliest party to be courted for a coalition, they won't risk a change in leadership so soon, especially considering Singh's improved public image in the second half of the campaign.  In the meantime, he'll have to spend as much time traveling across Canada as he can get away with, and the MPs he has left will have to become near-irritants in their own ridings.

  1. May's task: Welcome the new blood

When watching Election Night coverage, I was struck by how often the word "retirement" came up in the discussion surrounding Green Party leader Elizabeth May.  But it makes sense: She has led the party for the past 13 years, and she still only has two fellow MPs to show for it.  For that matter, her handling of this particular campaign was marked by tensions with her own slate and bungling of simple PR matters.  On the other hand, excitement over the newest Green MP, Fredericton's Jenica Atwin, suggests a fresh face is the most welcome of all sights.

May need not go quietly into that good night over the next couple of months.  But until the next election, whether it comes next year or in 2023, she should allow Atwin and other Green activists outside the House to do more of the talking.  Voters know what to expect from May; the novelty factor of Atwin can only help get the party's message across to those who aren't completely tuning it out.

  1. Blanchet's task: Stay the course

Of the five leaders who still have seats, the Bloc Québécois's Yves-François Blanchet is the one most likely to enjoy his job the longest.  He combined a shrewd ground game with an authentic harnessing of his base's motivations.  His third-place finish all but ensures that the government will have to make some serious gestures of goodwill if they have any hope of competing with him in Quebec.  Unless his opponents can make Quebeckers view his agenda as an internal threat to the province's economy and culture, pandering will be their only option.

Photo Credit: CBC News

Written by Jess Morgan

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.