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That groan you're hearing from the west is Alberta New Democrats voicing their opinion of Jagmeet Singh's recent pronouncements on provincial vetoes over national infrastructure projects.

With his promise that a federal NDP government wouldn't impose national infrastructure projects (meaning pipelines) on unwilling provinces, Singh appears to be determined to widen the rift between the Alberta provincial wing of the party and the federal mothership.

There hasn't been much unity in the New Democratic movement in Canada for a couple of years now.  The success of the Alberta NDP in 2015 was founded on a pragmatic job-preserving reading of party doctrine.  That put Premier Rachel Notley squarely at odds with her NDP neighbour to the west as the B.C. NDP government opposed the pipelines to the coast which could ensure Alberta oil patch wellbeing.

And relations on the national front during Notley's tenure in office have also been icy.  In 2016 a federal NDP convention in Edmonton opened the schism right in Notley's backyard as the party flirted with the anti-oil LEAF Manifesto.

Singh has raised Notley's ire more than once with his objections to pipeline builds across the country.

His criticism of the federal government's purchase of the TransMountain Pipeline to kickstart that project prompted Notley to articulate their differences last summer.

"I am a New Democrat that comes from the part of the party that understands that you don't bring about equality and fairness without focusing on jobs for regular working people… To forget that and to throw them under the bus as collateral damage in pursuit of some other high level policy objective is a recipe for failure and it's also very elitist," she said.

Now Singh has solidified his stand that he would not impose an infrastructure project on a province during an interview with the CBC.  The statement appeared to refer to the objections of Quebec to the Energy East pipeline but he doubled down in a followup interview to make it clear he meant any province.

Singh tried to soften his stand with a dissertation on consensus building.

"But that's kind of the beauty of federalism, that it's not something that should be where we're imposing decisions, where we work and provide an advantage, provide investments, show people that this is going to be to their benefit and, if that can be done, then it should be a project that goes ahead."

Lovely sentiment, but shaky interpretation of confederation and the powers of the federal government.

It also reads as a direct provocation to Alberta, a landlocked province with a whole lot of skin in the national infrastructure game. Coastal provinces would forever have an advantage in terms of the big transportation infrastructure needed to get goods and commodities from the heartland to port.

If one were being cynical, one might point out that in the calculus of winnable NDP seats, Singh's promise is a vote getter.  Quebec and B.C., two provinces with the whip hand in terms of getting Canadian oil to market, are also potential NDP-LIberal battlegrounds.  And playing to opposition to pipelines in those provinces makes political sense.

Alberta, on the other hand, holds virtually no political interest for the NDP during this election.  The one NDP MP in the province, Linda Duncan from Edmonton Strathcona, is not running again.  The polls predict a solid Conservative victory across Alberta ridings.

But the wider implications of Singh's wish to avoid imposing projects of national scope on the provinces also raises some red flags for the country as a whole.  Taken to its ultimate conclusion it would require rewriting federal powers and several pieces of legislation.

Even taken as a way of governing for a specific administration, it assumes individual provinces won't play their veto power for crass political advantage or wield it like a club in disputes with neighbouring provinces.

In the immediate term of this election contest, Singh is ensuring that federal NDP candidates in Alberta will have little chance of election on Oct. 21.  And the hope for federal-provincial political harmony is moving ever farther away for his party.

Photo Credit: CBC News

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Exactly one century ago this month, Canada's Ministry of Health was born, assuming federal responsibility for health from the Department of Agriculture.  Over the 100 subsequent years, Canada's health system has changed remarkably, particularly the implementation of a universal healthcare system in each province and territory across the country.

While Canadians often boast about their social healthcare a typical cheeky chant from Vancouver Whitecaps soccer supporters who travel to away matches in the USA is "we've got healthcare" the reality is that the scope of Canada's public health system lags behind most European countries.  Only 71 percent of health costs in Canada are covered by the public system, according to the Canadian Institute for Health Information, whereas in Europe the figure is often 85 percent.  Here in Canada, many medically-necessary products and services such as pharmaceuticals, dentistry, mental health, optometry, physiotherapy and audiology are largely excluded from the public system.

For Canadians who cannot afford to purchase such services from the private sector, they are generally forced to go without, despite the detrimental impact to their personal health.  The Canadian Medical Association has noted that access to care is not equitable, causing millions of dollars' worth of avoidable hospital visits, a decline in economic productivity, less community participation and greater social isolation.

As we prepare to vote next month, Canadians view healthcare as a major issue.  An Abacus Data poll conducted in late August found healthcare was respondents' second most important topic, while an Angus Reid poll from late August and a Ipsos poll from mid-September both found healthcare to be the primary issue of concern for Canadians.

The pending election provides an opportunity to expand the range of health services covered by Canada's public care system.  Three political parties the Liberals, New Democrats and Greens have already proposed incorporating at least one additional major health service into the public system, while the Conservatives have claimed that expanding healthcare coverage would ultimately hurt people in poverty.

Pharmacare has received considerable attention during the election period thus far.  According to the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), Canadians pay the third-highest prices for prescription drugs of its 36 member countries.  As an extreme example, if an adult were to be diagnosed with late-onset Pompe disease and be prescribed Myozyme (alglucosidase alfa), the cost could be greater than half a million dollars each year.  A 2002 Senate report recommended "…the federal government introduce a program to protect Canadians against catastrophic prescription drug expenses."

"Study after study has confirmed universal drug coverage is the most efficient, economical and equitable option for Canada," Linda Silas, president of the Canadian Federation of Nurses Unions, told the CBC on Monday.  According to an article in the Canadian Medical Association Journal, implementing a national pharmacare program could lower drug costs by $7.3 billion annually.

The Canadian Medical Association has argued that "all Canadians should have access to medically necessary drugs regardless of their ability to pay," and stated that its member doctors support "a single, national, public pharmacare plan operated by the federal government and funded by taxes collected by the federal government."

The New Democrats are offering a universal pharmacare program that would begin covering Health Canada-approved drugs by late 2020, and would save the average family $500 each year.  The Greens are also promising to cover all Canadians with pharmacare, as well as establish a bulk drug purchasing agency.  Meanwhile, the Liberals have promised to take "critical next steps" toward a national pharmacare program, but the money they've pledged is only a small fraction of the actual cost (the amount wouldn't even cover "essential medicines"), the proposal lacks a timeline, and the Liberals wouldn't force provinces to adopt it.

Countries that already include pharmacare in their public health system include Australia, New Zealand, Germany, Sweden, France, Netherlands, Italy, Switzerland, Norway, Israel, Japan and Taiwan.  Denmark subsidizes drug costs, while the United Kingdom only requires a co-payment of £8.40 for all prescriptions.

Dental care is another topic of discussion this election campaign.  According to the Canadian Association of Public Health Dentistry, 32 percent of Canadians do not have dental insurance, and an estimated 6 million people don't visit a dentist each year because they cannot afford the costs.  Research has found evidence of links between poor oral health and chronic disease of the heart, lungs and stomach.

Dr. Hazel Stewart, former director of dental and oral health services for the City of Toronto, wrote in the Toronto Star last month that, "While previous governments have shied away from implementing universal dental care because of the cost, the reality is that we're paying more to treat the health consequences of dental neglect than we would if we invested in primary dental care."

Two medical experts told the Huffington Post that in 2014 there were "almost 222,000 visits to Ontario physician offices for teeth and gum issues," despite that physicians are not able to deal with such medical problems.  Dr. Mario Brendan, director of the UBC Faculty of Dentistry's dental public health program, told Dentistry Today that the annual cost of trips to emergency rooms across Canada due to preventable dental conditions was $155 million.

The Canadian Association of Public Health Dentistry supports "inclusion of oral health care as a core or essential healthcare service for all Canadians," and recommends that the government "commit to invest at least $600 million annually to support provinces/territories to expand their public dental programs…"

Political discourse about adding dental service to public healthcare has been ongoing for at least 88 years.  In 1931, Ontario's minister of health stated it was the "duty" of the state to help parents pay for dental care for their children.  That same province's Progressive Conservatives came to power in 1943 with the promise of public denticare, yet after 42 consecutive years in office had still not delivered it.  The 1964 Royal Commission on Health Service's top recommendation was to offer public dental care.

The NDP has pledged to offer denticare beginning in January 2020 for free to families with an annual household income of less than $70,000, and a sliding co-payment scale for those earning up to $90,000, as the first step toward eventual universal coverage.  The Greens are promising dental care for "low-income Canadians," although the threshold has not been specified.  The Liberals have not made any mention of dental care thus far, and Liberal health minister Ginette Petitpas Taylor told a House of Commons committee this past December that "no federal investments are being made," as Andrew MacLeod noted last week in the Tyee.

Dental care is part of public healthcare in Germany, France, Japan and Taiwan.  Most costs are covered by government in the United Kingdom and in Denmark.  Free children's dental services are offered in Australia, New Zealand, Sweden, Netherlands, Norway, Italy and Israel.

Mental health has also been debated this election campaign.  The Canadian Mental Health Association estimates 6.7 million or one of every five Canadians experience mental illness every year, yet mental health services are not available for most Canadians.  The Canadian Medical Association (CMA) and Canadian Psychiatric Association (CPA) note that that fewer than one-third of Canadians with a mental illness will seek treatment.

Significant cost savings could be achieved by offering preventative services.  According to the CMA and CPA, "Mental illness costs Canada over $50 billion annually in health care costs, lost productivity and reductions in health-related quality of life."  However, it would cost only $3.1 billion a year to achieve the level of funding the Canadian Mental Health Association (CMHA) recommends.  Likewise, the price of implementing a national psychotherapy program would be just several hundred million dollars each year, according to a Canadian Psychological Association study conducted by the University of Calgary's Keith Dobson, as reported in the Vancouver Sun.

The CPA argues that mental health should receive a larger share of overall public health funding, while the CMHA recommends the government "publicly fund evidence-based therapies." The CMA and CPA both advocate for an "appropriate supply" of mental health professionals and "equitable coverage of essential mental health care and treatment."

The Liberals have offered an unspecified increase to mental health funding.  The Greens pledge to establish a national mental health strategy and expand services, but offer no further details.  The NDP platform makes 11 mentions of mental health but offers no specific new promises, stating it would eventually become part of their "head-to-toe" universal healthcare system.

Mental health is covered by public healthcare in New Zealand, Denmark, Sweden, Germany, Switzerland, Israel, Japan and Taiwan.  Netherlands offers full payment for severe cases, while services are partially covered in France.  The USA's Affordable Care Act requires mental health coverage from all individual insurance plans and small-company health plans.

Optometry or eye care is another element of healthcare where significant savings could be achieved by incorporating services into the public system.  The Canadian Association of Optometrists (CAO) advocates that eye health be treated as a core component of overall health, and claims that "Vision correction is one of the most cost-effective interventions in human and economic development… Millions of dollars could be saved annually if avoidable vision loss was prevented.  A return of close to $5 for every dollar invested can be achieved."

The organization also states that "Lower educational attainment and employment rates, higher absenteeism, decreased salary, injury, premature retirement, lower socioeconomic position and poorer health and life chances are all associated with poor visual function… People with vision loss are at greater risk of social isolation and reduced community participation."

According to the CAO, 75 percent of vision loss is preventable or treatable, while 80 percent of learning is visual, making vision health particularly important for children.  An estimated one in four school-aged children in Canada has an undetected vision issue.

The NDP aims to eventually include optometry in its "head-to-toe" universal healthcare system, while the Liberals and Greens have made no offers to publicly cover vision services.  Optometry is part of public healthcare in Germany and France, and is subsidized in Denmark.  Both Sweden and Switzerland pay for children's vision services.

Physiotherapy is another health service that could reap substantial savings if brought under the public umbrella.  According to the Canadian Physiotherapy Association, one in five Canadians live with chronic pain.  Physiotherapy could be used to decrease treatment costs and to minimize the prescription of opioids.

The Canadian Physiotherapy Association estimates that by 2036, more than 62 percent of health care spending will be on senior citizens, and argues that physiotherapy services are more cost-effective than hospital-based procedures such as post-fall surgery or extended hospital stays.

Manitoba's provincial government recently made cuts to outpatient physiotherapy coverage to alleviate a decrease in the province's sales tax.

The federal Greens promise to expand rehabilitation services.  The NDP platform does not mention physiotherapy, although the party's vision of eventual "head-to-toe" coverage would assumedly incorporate it.  The Liberals have made no offers to expand public physiotherapy coverage.

The United Kingdom, France, Sweden, Switzerland, Norway, Japan and Taiwan all include physiotherapy in public health.  Denmark subsidizes the cost, while Netherland covers payment until the age of 18.

Audiology or hearing care is an often overlooked aspect of health.  The Canadian Academy of Audiology has bemoaned the "…alarming disparity in the hearing health services available to infants and children," while the Canada Infant Hearing Task Force gave Canada a grade of "insufficient" in its 2019 report card on early hearing detection and intervention programs.

Speech-Language & Audiology Canada has stated that, "All children in Canada deserve access to timely and high-quality hearing health services," while "seniors need improved access to… audiology services."

With the Accessible Canada Act (formerly Bill C-81) receiving royal assent this past summer, don't be surprised if access to hearing health services and devices receives greater publicity in the months ahead.

The NDP mentions the importance of hearing care in their platform, but no specific promises are made.  The Green platform is silent on hearing health, while the Liberals have not made any related announcements.

As Canada is one of the wealthiest countries in the world, our glaring disparities regarding access to health services and health outcomes must be tackled.  As already mentioned, incorporating medically-required health services into the public system could offer substantial cost savings.  If the most impoverished Canadians are able to live happy and healthy lives, we all benefit from their greater contributions to society and the economy.

The logic behind including physician and emergency health services in the public care system for the past five decades is no different than covering all other medically-necessary services.  The expansion of Canada's incomplete universal healthcare system is long overdue, and next month's federal election will allow voters to finally nudge the government down that inevitable path.

Photo Credit: Healthcare Global

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


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The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


If Justin Trudeau's first kick at the can as Liberal leader was tragedy — lofty promises squandered at the altar of smart — we've now passed into the realm of farce.  Canada's smarmiest moralizer turns out to have enjoyed putting on a bit of blackface in his not-so-youth.

Many of his MPs and allies have accepted Trudeau's apology, they say, because he has not governed like the type of — and I'm being extremely generous here — self-absorbed jackass who darkens their skin for laughs at multiple events over multiple years.

But that was last week, and this is this week.  With the fracas out of the way of revelations about Trudeau's past racist — his description â€” actions, he and the Liberals have attempted the pivot to policy.  Their obvious plan of drip-drip revelations of the bad behaviour of Conservative candidates, broadcast by various mid-tier Trudeau acolytes, has now had to give way to something — anything! — else, now that the leader has been found to behaving in perhaps the worst way imaginable.

What we are now being given are a bunch of farcical policy announcements with more than a whiff of the slap-dash about them.

Take, for example, this week's announcement a re-elected Liberal government would turn the Canadian economy carbon neutral by 2050.  This is a great and necessary idea, but for this one giant problem — they have no goddamned clue how they'd do it.

The entire announcement was they'll figure it out later.  They explicitly say so in their press release: they'll set "based on the advice of the experts and consultations with Canadians"; appoint a bunch of (other?) experts to give policy recommendations; "exceed Canada's 2030 emissions goal" (that's the bullet point); setup worker retraining programs for anyone in an industry affected by whatever the changes they make end up being.

Okay, okay.  In their defence, they have released some plans for how to reduce carbon emissions.  The first is a series of credits, interest-free loans, and grants for homeowners to either retrofit their properties to make them more environmentally friendly, or money to offset the higher cost of buying a house that is zero-emissions.  There is also a significant series of tax breaks on offer for companies developing clean technologies.

If these sound familiar, that's because they're policy announcements the Conservatives have essentially made, too.  They've got a renovation tax credit.  And the green tech incentives sound an awful lot like Conservative Leader Andrew Scheer's laughable climate-change plan released in the run up to the election.  The weight is being put onto the hopes of some future innovation to save us from really having to do something.

These will make a dent in the country's emissions, but it's nowhere near enough to get the country as a whole down to zero emissions.  That part of the plan will be left up to the endless — one can only assume — consultation process over the next term of a Liberal government.

And what, exactly, is the plan for the billions of dollars spent buying an unbuilt pipeline?  Are we just supposed to sink our money into that in the hope some magic solution comes along making oilsands extraction miraculously carbon neutral, so this purchase hasn't been a waste?  Or is the purchase of TransMountain a shameless electoral play to placate Albertans — who are not, by the way, placated — in the hopes they will see the light of the Liberals' nobody's happy approach to climate policy?

The environment minister has on several occasions dodged questions as to how high the carbon tax will need to go to make a worthwhile dent in emissions — it's going to have to be a lot! — which is another way of kicking the can for decisions further down the road.  If this party is so focused and concerned about fighting climate change, maybe they should tell us what they would do to fight climate change.

The trouble with this policy pivot is how the current incarnation of Trudeau's government breezily cast aside so many of the policies it promised in the last election.

Sure, all politicians are full of shit.  But not many politicians have the gall to so cheerily promise a change from the wretched status quo, only to ditch it at the first sign things might poll badly.  Don't piss on my leg and tell me it's raining, certainly not a second time.

And let's not forget one the possible outcomes of all this, is that because of the prime minister's past as a total dipshit — here I go, being generous again — that he never though to get ahead of and mention in a decade of elected life, we're staring down the barrel of a repeat of what happened in Ontario.  A bunch of Liberals too high on their horses decided to cast aside the idea of governing well, in favour of taking shortcuts, leading directly to the thing they've been waring everyone about: a Conservative government.

If these people could sit down for a hot second and really think through all their desperate warnings of the Conservatives, and consider they themselves are making a Conservative government possible, perhaps they would change their ways.

But they cannot see that, or if they can they bury it like particularly vivid recurring nightmare.  It's a funny side effect of the exodus of stalwart Ontario Liberal mucky-mucks up the St. Lawrence.  After screwing over one province, they are well on their way to screwing the whole country.

Trudeau's pitch is built around the idea he needs to be re-elected to continue the good works of his government.  But so many of the actual good works he promised never panned out, which is perhaps why the campaign spent its opening weeks not being for things, but by hoping to tie up their opponent in the dubious histories of his candidates.

Now they're forced to get elected on the strength of their ideas, and have all the flex of a showboating Bugs Bunny.

Photo Credit: BBC News

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


If you are to believe the current polling analysis, the fact that Justin Trudeau was exposed as a serial blackfacer has had no impact on Canadian voters.  The numbers have not moved, they say.  Things are exactly the same, they say.

Except they aren't, of course.

Voting intentions are only one part of the equation.  They don't usually change radically or quickly over one event or another, although sometimes they do.  But other indicators can show that indeed, voters are being influenced by the images revealing Justin Trudeau wearing blackface not once, not twice, but on at least three different occasions.

His reputation has suffered because of it.  His campaign was derailed because of it.   The whole thing has helped Jagmeet Singh shine as a political leader.  And the whole thing fed right into the political narrative being set for a week now by the opposition parties.  Justin Trudeau is "not as advertised", say the Conservatives. "Justin Trudeau is not who he pretended to be", say the New Democrats.

These lines were used before Trudeau's makeup habits became an international embarrassment.  They were not used by coincidence: you can be sure that both parties found that Trudeau had been a disappointment with soft liberal voters and that this line of arguments worked to shake them loose.

And loose they have been shaken by the Trudeau blackface storyline.  Perhaps not to the point of abandoning him in droves yet.  But a few, certainly, have gone elsewhere.  And with a tight race like the one unfolding before our eyes, a point or two can make the difference between a minority and a majority of one colour or another.

The campaign began with Justin Trudeau's approval ratings being below those of Donald Trump, which is kind of incredible when you think about it.  Which perhaps explains why Liberal supporters were reacting exactly as Trump supporters when their own Dear Leader is caught doing bad things: "It's not as bad as it looks, and the other side would be much worse!"

The Liberal campaign has been trying to change the channel, to talk about the "real issues" (as if racism and the Prime Minister's racist actions were not real!), improvising announcements about guns, cell phones and the environment with little or even no details.

Details do not matter to Liberal strategists, you see: they would rather have a debate about details (or lack thereof) of their plan to fight climate change than discuss what exactly was Justin Trudeau dressed as when wearing blackface and an Afro wig on a white-water rafting trip a few years ago.  What is on that t-shirt exactly, is that a toucan or bananas?  And did you put something down your pants or were you just happy to see the camera?

Those questions remain unanswered, despite being asked repeatedly on the campaign trail.  It has become a battle of the wills: on one side, reporters trying to figure out who was that 3rd blackface character, after Aladdin and Harry Belafonte.  On the other side, Justin Trudeau refusing to answer, repeating "I have been open with Canadians, I will continue to be open with Canadians."  Open?  Of course he wasn't, until somebody opened the box for all of us to see.

A box that Justin Trudeau doesn't want to be stuck in alone, as he made clear in his initial response to the story: "This is part of the reflections we all have to have on how we judge the mistakes that we've made in the past, how we take responsibility for them and mostly, how we keep moving forward as a society recognizing that we do need to do more to fight anti-black racism, systemic discrimination, unconscious bias."

We all learned a lot.

Indeed, Canadians now see Justin Trudeau under a different light.  Everything that he now says or does is said or done after his blackface costumes have been revealed.  Which means that the prism through which voters are seeing it has darkened.  The sunny ways are long gone.

Photo Credit: The Guardian

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.