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Over the past couple of weeks, as the meltdown in Westminster has been broadcast worldwide, both in terms of the announced prorogation and the subsequent bill that was passed to prevent a no-deal Brexit, there have been many cries about how the entire sad affair is "proof" that there needs to be some kind of constitutional reform in the UK.  There have been people who should know better castigating the Queen for not stepping in, and there are others who suggest that this is somehow a breakdown of the Parliamentary system.  I would argue the opposite that amidst the chaos, we are in fact seeing glimmers of a Parliament that is behaving like it is supposed to, where MPs, including backbenchers of the governing party, are doing their part to hold their government in check, and to ensure that the recklessness of the prime minister is being held back from some particular abuses of authority.

While it's still a bit early to see how everything is going to shake out, but over the past week, we have seen floor-crossings, and a number of MPs being cast out of the party (using the rather delightful phrase of "surrendering the whip") for standing up for principle rather than party loyalty.  Many are long-standing MPs who have stated that they no longer recognize the party that they have long been a member of one of those MPs decrying that the Conservative party had become a mix of populism and English nationalism and most of those have decided that they won't be running again in the next election, which could be sooner than later (though Parliament has denied Boris Johnson his desired "snap" election by refusing him the votes to call one under the Fixed Term Parliaments Act).  More than one Cabinet minister has resigned over the whole shambolic nature of what is happening, and repudiated the government in which they served something that is a sign that things are going very badly in Her Majesty's government.

Nevertheless, the fact that MPs have chosen principle over party cannot be overstated as something that is refreshing to see in an era where MPs are often being reduced to talking-point drones and voting machines, subject to increasingly centralized power from their leaders' offices.  Well, that's certainly the case in Canada, while in the UK, discontent has been plaguing both the Conservatives and Labour Party for a few years now, and a great deal of it can be chalked up to the UK parties adopting a more Canadian-like leadership selection system.  In the Labour party, Jeremy Corbyn won power because he was able to mobilize a group of militants known as Momentum to take out party memberships and get him elected, and who have kept him in power through a leadership review, and who now threaten MPs who don't fall into line with "de-selection" (meaning that they won't be nominated as candidates in the next election).  That, along with the resurgence of anti-Semitism in the Labour ranks has caused a number of their members to leave the party and sit as independents, while Corbyn remains unmoved that his personal unpopularity is keeping the party from overtaking the Conservatives in national sentiment.

As for the Conservatives, there is not only a complaint that the party itself has changed, but also that it has been taken over by unelected advisors something we in Canada are intimately familiar with because of the way in which the leadership selection system gives a leader a false sense of "democratic legitimacy" that they use to avoid the accountability of caucus.  While it took some time for these particular problems to fully cement themselves in Canada, it took almost no time at all for them to take root and fester in the UK parties, which should be alarming to everyone.

As to the fact that this crisis is demonstrating that Parliament is acting in the way it should be, we should pay particular mention to their Speaker, John Bercow, who has done his utmost to protect the rights of individual MPs against the government exercising its powers over them (despite some of the problems with Bercow).  That Bercow has declared that he will stand down as Speaker on October 31st, whether there is a general election or not, will be a loss to Westminster, and possibly to parliamentary democracy as a whole, because it means that a voice who has stood up for the rights of MPs, and who has reinvigorated accountability practices like Urgent Questions, where ministers can be summoned to the Chamber to answer for issues of the day outside of the usual practice of Prime Minister's Questions or the scheduled daily ministerial questions, will no longer be fulfilling that vital role.  That MPs have been more empowered is a boon to parliaments everywhere, because it sets an example.

Of course, this bit of rebellion that we're seeing may be short-lived, and with all of the de-selections and dissident MPs deciding that they won't run again (many of whom were long-time MPs and have a great deal of institutional knowledge and memory), means that what may wind up happening is that we'll see a post-election parliament where many of the moderate voices on both sides of the aisle have bowed out.  That would leave more of the radicals, and more of those who are more adherent to their party whips, thus leaving the UK with a more polarized parliament, and one that is more adherent to the wishes of their leaders rather than resistant to them.  This is a recipe for long-term damage, and without a strong Speaker to protect their rights, and with power being increasingly centralized in their leaders' offices because they were selected by the false "democracy" of membership votes, it could mean that the UK's parliament is headed for troubled waters.  We can hope that enough MPs take the lessons of this turbulent time and will continue to choose principle over party, but it nevertheless leaves me with a terrible sinking feeling.

Photo Credit: BBC News

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


I do not personally believe that the NDP will be overtaken by the Green Party in the upcoming election, neither in terms of popular vote and even less in terms of the number of seats.  It is however not outside of the realm of possibility.  Which is a problem for Jagmeet Singh's NDP.

That plausibility is driven by many indicators.  New Democrats are struggling with fundraising while the Greens are racking in record amounts.  The Greens have more candidates in place than the orange team.  Green Leader Elizabeth May is better known and has better approval ratings than Jagmeet Singh.  And New Democrats are defecting to the Green Party starting with MP Pierre Nantel and a number of former New Brunswick provincial candidates though not as many as first boasted by the Greens.

And then there are the polls.  Pollsters disagree on the current so-called race for third place.  Some (Campaign Research, Ekos, Léger, Mainstream, and Forum) are putting the two parties neck and neck, or even have the Greens ahead.  Most others, however, are placing the NDP ahead of the Greens: Nanos, Abacus, Angus Reid, Ipsos, DART, Innovative Research, and Research co.

It is true that the Greens are on the rise in Canada, as proven by numerous provincial breakthroughs in recent years.  Moreover, given the growing volatility of the Canadian electorate, I believe that a federal green wave could even be possible.  However, I also believe that the Green Party is not yet a professional political machine.  In fact, they will argue, they do not want to be.

Alas, as we saw with Prince Edward Island, campaigns matter and campaigning matters.  While the Green surge in PEI led them to be ahead in the polls and on the verge of forming its first government in Canada, when voting day came around, Green voters didn't show up at the booth.  The pollsters were not wrong: the Green machine was simply not good enough on the ground.  The NDP's machine, however, has proven it can be quite efficient, targeting seats and tracking voters as well as the main parties.

In the end, however, New Democrats are stuck in a narrative: they are fighting with the Green Party for 3rd place.  Elizabeth May and the Greens, while not coming off particularly good out of the New Brunswick episode, succeeded in derailing the positive coverage following the release of the new NDP ad.  In the end, while New Democrats were right to be upset at the New Brunswick defections, while they were right to point out that many of these defectors were not, in fact, defecting, while they were right to be outraged at how the race card was being used as a motivation for the defections, all that people saw was New Democrats fighting with the Greens.  They need to get out of that cycle.

Until then, Jagmeet Singh will not be seen as a contender for Prime Minister unlike Jack Layton, Tom Mulcair and Ed Broadbent.   And the NDP will not be seen as a contender for power.

Photo Credit: Toronto Star

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.