LP_468x60
ontario news watch
on-the-record-468x60-white
and-another-thing-468x60

One of the great ironies of Stephen Harper is that, for a former prime minister infamous for muzzling his caucus, in retirement he doesn't know when to keep quiet.  Divisive actions by Harper in recent weeks threaten to chip just enough momentum away from the Conservatives to possibly derail their campaign in advance of a mesmerizingly tight election.

With the House of Commons adjourned ahead of an autumn election, Canada's federal political parties have turned their attention to courting voters.  Doug Ford's disastrous provincial government has taken an extended summer break, likely a favour to his federal counterparts to avoid cross-contaminating Andrew Scheer's quest to become prime minister.

But another prominent Conservative who should have the experience and foresight to temporarily retreat into the shadows until after the federal election is Stephen Harper.  Perhaps no figure in Canadian political history was as fixated on preventing politically-damaging outbursts.  Ironic then that Harper has developed a penchant for creating controversy after stepping down as the country's prime minister.

In late June, Harper appeared to take sides in the UK Conservative Party's leadership contest that would determine their next prime minister.  Harper is prohibited from conveying favouritism in leadership campaigns as chair of the International Democrat Union, an international alliance of conservative political parties.  However, one of the two British leadership contestants publicly announced he had secured Harper's assistance as a consultant for future Brexit negotiations.  Harper subsequently released a clarifying statement that stressed he did not endorse any particular candidate and would help whoever becomes the next UK Tory leader.  But making such a deal with one of the candidates during a leadership contest perhaps illustrated a lack of appropriate discretion by Harper.

Although the gaffe didn't jeopardize the Conservative effort here in Canada, it served as a precursor for an action that would.  Less than a week later, Harper caused a minor disturbance when he delivered a speech in Toronto that denounced Sikh separatism.  Canadian politicians tend to tip-toe around the sensitive subject; one prominent exception was former federal minister of health and premier of British Columbia, Ujjal Dosanjh, who was attacked with an iron bar in 1985 for opposing violence by Sikh extremists.  Harper took a very different tone when he was prime minister, refraining from denouncing Sikh separatism and even affirming the right to peacefully advocate for a separate Khalistani homeland.  But now in retirement and no longer chasing re-election, Harper has shifted his position, expressing a much more decisive and controversial opinion.

If a Conservative member of parliament had expressed such divisive remarks when Harper was prime minister, that MP would have been strongly rebuked.  If uttered shortly before an election, there would have been hell to pay.

Years later, now that Harper no longer leads a political party or the government, he apparently feels a new-found freedom to express his thoughts openly on contentious matters.  But to peddle an inflammatory position with the unofficial election campaign already underway illustrates either a remarkable naiveté for someone once at the national helm, or a disdain for Andrew Scheer's prospects of forming government.

The current political lay of the land makes Harper's careless remarks about Sikh separatism especially damaging to the Conservatives' election efforts.  More than 20 federal ridings boast large numbers of Canadians of South Asian descent, including nine in which Punjabi Sikhs are the largest sub-group.  Many of these are considered "swing" seats that aren't dominated by any particular political party.  The Liberals won the majority of these seats in 2015, yet a look back at the 2011 election (taking into account redistributed results, as ridings were subsequently redrawn) shows almost none were held by the Liberals during the previous parliament.  The Conservatives are targeting many of these seats as potential gains this autumn, yet Harper's provocative comments may cause Canadians of Punjabi descent to think twice about altering their political alignment.

With most public opinion polls showing a close contest between the Liberals and Conservatives, needlessly squandering even a handful of seats could be the difference between forming a majority government or merely winning a plurality of seats (which usually translates into a minority government in Canadian politics).

Arguably the most important task for Conservatives campaigning to form government is to educate the electorate about their new leader, Andrew Scheer.  A Campaign Research poll conducted on July 12 showed that not only does Scheer have a negative approval rating (-17), but that more Canadian voters remain unsure about his performance (30%) than approve of it (26%).  Compare that to Justin Trudeau as opposition leader in July 2015, in which only 20% of respondents told Forum Research they weren't sure about his performance, while 38% approved.

Every appearance by Harper in the news media ahead of the election is a lost opportunity for Conservatives to inform voters about Scheer, especially as Justin Trudeau is finding re-election much more difficult than normal for a Liberal prime minister emerging from his first majority government.

Retired political party leaders are expected to fade into the background of public life, refraining from making controversial remarks or dominating political discourse.  This past month has likely been a humbling lesson for Harper; that it has occurred shortly before a pivotal election should worry Conservatives, who must now be hoping Harper accepts the Brexit consultancy job in the UK and quietly fades into overseas obscurity for the next three months.

Photo Credit: CBC News

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Cynicism is dangerous.  It provides superficially appealing protection against disappointment, but at the cost of being protected against hope, and outrage, and good policy.  For instance over the latest chapter in Canada's sorry fighter jet saga.

In case you missed it, or couldn't bear to look, the plan now is to keep the recycled Australian CF18s and the originals flying until 2032.  We're going to spend $1.5 billion or so on upgrades to the electronics, and "eventually" we might get them up-to-date weapons, according to the National Post.  As a revealingly absurd side detail, they're starting with the avionics because "navigation and communications improvements will allow 94 fighter jets, which include the 18 used planes from Australia, to meet new regulations to fly in civilian airspace."  So we have our priorities straight.  First red tape, later excuses, some day up-to-date missiles and who knows, some day new planes.

If you're wondering where defence of the realm fits into all this mess, boy, are you ever naive.  The Canadian government isn't serious about defence and, the sad part, no longer feels any need to pretend to be.

As I've mentioned before on this subject, a few hundred times, technology is moving faster than ever.  Which you might expect politicians to know given how gee-whiz they are about broadband, AI or whatever is currently trendy.  But while for once they're not wrong about the fact, they're confused about the implications.  Those of us old enough to remember the sound of a dial-up modem (or a non-digital cash register) are very aware of how rapidly things are improving or at least getting faster and more powerful, and crucially, how the pace of change is itself accelerating.

The iPad was invented in 2010.  The "smartphone" in 2007 with the first iPhone.  And however cool those things were back then, you'd look and feel quite the chump using one now.  Not because fashion has moved on, but because the devices have.  So what of the CF-18?

This aeroplane won the "New Fighter Aircraft Project" competition when Trudeau was Prime Minister.  Pierre Trudeau.  In 1980.  And we began getting them in 1982.  At which point your phone had a cord though not, mercifully, a rotary dial.

The "Voodoo" was sure looking creaky by then, having been a hot number in 1961 that carried air-to-air nuclear rockets by the way.  But the CF-18 came online in the era when the fax machine was a hot number for most businesses.  So imagine trying to conduct business today using office equipment from 1982.  Brrrrr.

Now imagine that instead of the semi-forgiving atmosphere of the office, especially the government office where you still get requests for a fax or are sent a "PDF" that was first scanned, badly, instead of being generated digitally from the original file, you were in the ruthless and fast-moving world of combat where obsolescence or other tactical inferiority quickly proves lethal.  Oh dear.

Except of course we only go to war in situations where we have such dominance that it doesn't really matter that our equipment is obsolete.  And "we" are mostly the Americans, who like having us along and don't make a big stink about our gear.

Still, the idea that we're still going to be flying the military equivalent of a fax machine or dot matrix printer a decade and a half from now is going to raise eyebrows in the Pentagon, provided they haven't lost their capacity to be shocked.  Have we?

Can we imagine the changes in technology that will happen in the next 13 years?  We read endless breathless stories about the next 10 world-changing inventions, as if our lives could be and needed to be turned upside down every seven months.  But major changes will come, thick and fast, in military affairs where small things made a big difference as long ago as the Second World War (like the harder alloy on Spitfire propeller edges).  And speaking of the Second World War, unless you're Chinese it started in 1939 and ended in 1945, not quite six years later.  So we're going to wait for two more Second World Wars to get new planes?  Clearly we're not planning to fight a war.

I don't deny that military procurement is a nightmare, especially as technology changes so fast that, as with computers, whatever you buy will be obsolete by the time you get it home, out of the box and charged.  Maybe it's just as well to skip the whole F-35 thing in the hopes that no war will come before we're on to the next thing.  But what if one does?

Probably Uncle Sam will protect us so we don't need a military.  Which is just as well because we haven't got one, aren't planning to and, most worryingly, have lost the capacity to be shocked.  The brief National Post story I cited ran at the bottom of page A4 on Monday and nobody cared.  Or more accurately nobody was surprised enough to care.

We should care.  Because one thing cynicism doesn't protect against is foreign threats.  And they are still very real.

Photo Credit: Jeff Burney, Loonie Politics

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.