LP_468x60
ontario news watch
on-the-record-468x60-white
and-another-thing-468x60

It is a little-acknowledged fact of our country's history, but it was the battle over patronage that helped win us Responsible Government in this country.  In the 1840s, one of the main political disputes in the colonies was not only whether it was London or the local legislative assemblies that controlled our internal or domestic affairs, but it was most especially whether it was the governor general, sent over from the UK, or whether it was the local politicians, who should be able to exercise the power of appointment when it came to offices in these colonies.  It was only after the advent of Responsible Government, starting with Nova Scotia in 1848, and a year later in the Province of Canada, that the parties in power in the local legislature got to dish out patronage.  It operated largely on a system with the full awareness that while they would distribute these positions to their friends in the years that they were in power, and their opponents would do the same during the years when they took the reins.

But while this back-and-forth allocation of positions and salaries gave way to an ethos of trying to find meritorious candidates for the roles, and the rise of appointment commissions to delegate some of the authority to, there nevertheless remains at its core a fundamental tenet of Responsible Government that has not changed that the first minister and his or her Cabinet that advises the governor general or lieutenant governor on who it is that should be appointed, and it is they who will be held to account for exercising that advice.  It's a system of political accountability with clear lines that ensures that if bad appointments are made, that there is one person who gets to shoulder the blame, and that's the first minister, be it the prime minister or premier.

This particular history lesson is most especially relevant in the past couple of weeks as we have seen both a nepotism scandal in Ontario, and the overblown reporting of federal judicial appointments in New Brunswick and whether those who made the cut were too close to Dominic LeBlanc, the minister of intergovernmental affairs.  While there are those who have tried to draw parallels between the stories mostly conservative partisans, sore about the damage that the scandal has inflicted on their brand in Ontario there is almost no comparison between the two separate incidents.  Whereas in Ontario, we saw the premier's chief of staff, Dean French, appoint his family members and those associated to him through lacrosse get positions that they held no qualifications for, the judicial appointments in New Brunswick (as they are across the country) went through a rigorous vetting process, not only through the applications screened through the Judicial Advisory Committees, then the minister of justice, and later still with the prime minister's office to ensure that there were no red flags something that should have ensured that there were qualified appointments being made.

There is only one bit of overlap between these two stories in as much as the New Brunswick appointments are a story, given that the "connections" with LeBlanc are tenuous and dubious in all but one case, and in that last case he recused himself from any consideration is that the first ministers in each case are politically accountable for them.  Why this matters to Ontario premier Doug Ford is that while he is trying to claim a certain amount of ignorance as to what French was up to, he is ultimately accountable for allowing these appointments to be made, because he was the one advising the lieutenant governor to make them.  Likewise, Justin Trudeau is politically accountable for these judicial appointments in New Brunswick, and he has already stated that he believes the "independent, merit-based process" that these names were subjected to did the job, and that they were the qualified candidates.

And let's be real New Brunswick is a small province with a small population and a tight-knit legal community, along with a far more nepotistic provincial political culture it would be particularly hard to find someone who didn't have any kind of connection to a senior political figure in the province like LeBlanc, particularly given how loose of a definition of "connection" that CBC employed to try and make this into a story.

As with any story like this is, it has brought out some of the usual suspects like self-appointed ethics watchdog and vexatious litigant, Duff Conacher, to proclaim that there should be no Cabinet involvement in these kinds of appointments, and that perhaps there should be some kind of all-party vetting system to eliminate the appearance of conflict.  The problem with this, if you've been paying attention, is that this renders any kind of accountability for these appointments to be impossible.  This accountability is at the heart of our system.  Laundering it through an all-party committee or process means that when everyone is accountable, then no one is accountable, and that's fundamentally bad for democracy.  Not to mention the fact that the "appearance of conflict" excuse has become so distorted over the past few years that any made-up allegation with no actual basis in reality gets treated overly seriously, and when found to be baseless as they are time and again it just feeds a cycle of outrage that goes nowhere and does nothing but undermine the confidence in the system.

When stories like this emerge, no matter how thin the substance at the heart of it actually is, we need to remind ourselves that Cabinet is involved for the very reason that they can be held to account.  Making this a completely technocratic process may feel like it's eliminating conflicts or the appearance thereof, but it simply means that in the end, when bad appointments are made and they inevitably will be there can be no accountability.  That's corrosive for our system of government, and nobody should entertain these suggestions seriously.

Photo Credit: CTV News

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


For a province that is passionately engaged in complaining about Ottawa, activity around the fall federal election is surprisingly muted in Alberta.  Although there has been plenty of populist sabre rattling over pipelines and equalization, active electioneering is so far nonexistent.

The closest thing to a politician on the federal stump is Jason Kenney, beating the drum for his federal Conservative counterparts.

Party nominations have been low key.  The Conservative Party of Canada has most of its candidates.  But the Liberals and New Democrats are slow to put people in place.  By the end of June the Liberals had fewer than 10 candidates and the NDP even less than that.

No wonder, when polls show a coming Conservative sweep.  The CBC poll tracker shows faint hope in only three Alberta seats, two potential Liberal and one NDP, but the odds are pretty high all 34 seats with go to the Tories.

In 2015, the Liberals managed to eke out four seats and the NDP one.  Since then, Calgary Liberal Darshan Kang ended up sitting as an independent after a sexual harassment scandal.

NDP Edmonton stalwart Linda Duncan announced she will not be running in 2019. 

The People's Party of Canada has most of its candidates named, but given that its closest provincial analog, the Freedom Conservative Party, failed to take a seat in the recent provincial election, the battle will be uphill for the new party.

Meanwhile the Twitterverse is afire with rightwing Alberta trolls calling for the heads of Alberta Senators, a group they have no chance to unseat in 2019.  Kenney's renewed interest in staging Senate elections in Alberta won't have any effect this election year.

So why the political doldrums?  Well, it is summer after all.  And Alberta is still recovering from its own spring election.  Maybe as the fall vote date approaches the excitement will mount.  Perhaps a serious debate will emerge with candidates from all parties bringing their all to the question of how best to satisfy the yearning of Albertans to be meaningfully included in the Canadian political whole.

Or it won't.  Because in a province where there is only one party with an apparent chance of taking seats, debate like that goes largely unheard.

Western alienation so often sited as a rising movement in Alberta has more than a bit to do with partisan politicking.  Alberta votes Conservative in large part and discontent rises when Liberals are in power.

Liberal and New Democrat arguments are brushed off that no big pipelines were built under Stephen Harper's government and the dreaded equalization formula currently in place was actually crafted by that government.  Harper was Alberta's guy so it was tough to say Alberta was silenced in the national debate of the time.

There is a sore loser aspect to the way Alberta deals with anything but a majority Conservative government in Ottawa.

There are some sincere individuals who think the country needs fundamentally to be changed, the constitution and institutions need to be reopened for review, maybe even first-past-the-post electoral systems need a shake-up.

And there are some who truly believe Alberta should get serious about independence, despite the obviously insurmountable difficulties of such a proposition in an export-dependent landlocked economy.

But so far, there is no political vehicle to address some of those issues.  Alberta hasn't got even the glimmer of a Bloc Quebecois-style party to mix things up in a federal election.

Alberta's disaffection will again play out with a worn out old Canadian equation — Conservatives against Liberals.  No matter how much rhetoric goes on about the national deck being stacked against the province, it comes down to partisan issues in the end.

The chances of a breakthrough being bleak, the Liberal and New Democrat parties are unlikely to devote a lot of resources to trying to woo voters in the province's scant 34 seats.

During an election campaign, the very time that Albertans should be engaged in politics, the result of local races are such a foregone conclusion that even the political parties aren't shaking off their summer torpor.

A little excitement over the race, some diversity of opinion to start the debate rolling, would be a welcome novelty in Alberta.

Photo Credit: CBC News

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


For most Canadians, summer really begins with Canada Day.  School is over, vacations are beginning for many, but not so for federal politicians who are about to enter an election where their future is at stake.  Parliament has risen and returning MPs and candidates are hitting the barbecue circuit.

How did the Federal Party Leaders do in the first part of 2019?  Here are their report cards.

Justin Trudeau, Liberal Party of Canada:  C

Unemployment is low and the economy is fairly strong, but the Prime Minister has had a rough 2019 so far, for the most part.  His spring agenda was completely overtaken by the SNC-Lavalin scandal, which ended with the ousting of Jody Wilson-Raybould and Jane Philpott, once two popular and reliable ministers.  The crisis with China has also been a problem Justin Trudeau has been unable to solve.  Despite attempts at appeasement, two Canadians are still imprisoned by the giant dictatorship.  China even escalated the conflict by imposing an embargo on all Canadian meats.

However, Justin Trudeau was able to come to an agreement with Donald Trump on a new NAFTA, now dubbed CUSMA.  But, so far, only Mexico has ratified the agreement.  If Parliament isn't recalled this summer and the deal is not ratified before the election, it could become a major election issue.  So will the environment, formally a strength of Trudeau.  The incoherent message of declaring a national climate emergency before giving the green light to the TransMountain pipeline is another example of a Liberal government adrift on its rhetoric.  Still, Trudeau's brand remains strong, and despite the missteps, the Federal Liberals remain in contention, and, more importantly, in a good position to play the Anybody-But-Conservatives card towards NDP and Green voters.

Andrew Scheer, Conservative Party of Canada:  B-

Andrew Scheer has been given many gifts by the Trudeau Liberals over the past few months.  Unfortunately for the Conservatives, Scheer has been unable to make the most of it.  Still, the CPC has been polling ahead of the LPC for most of the year so far, including all the polls released in June.  Part of the problem is the Conservatives' strategy to contrast Trudeau's flamboyant style with Scheer's blandness.  It isn't really a strategy conducive to creating fireworks.

Scheer also had to carry the burden of inconvenient friends, especially Doug Ford.  Liberals will do everything they can to associate Andrew Scheer with Ford and other Conservative Premiers' unpopular decisions.  Many of these decisions, like cancelling the Franco-Ontarian University, have kneecapped some of Scheer's momentum.   Also problematic for Scheer are MPs like Michael Cooper, who quoted the suspected Christchurch shooter's manifesto to a Muslim witness during a parliamentary hearing.  Liberals and New Democrats are counting on more bozo eruptions like this.  It won't take many more to sink the CPC's chances.

Jagmeet Singh, New Democratic Party of Canada: C-

Jagmeet Singh's arrival in the House of Commons was heralded as the stepping stone to a New Democratic recovery after a lacklustre tenure since Singh won the Leadership race in October 2017.  While Singh seemed to gain confidence and perform better once elected, it didn't seem to be enough to turn things around.  The party is suffering from the highest MP attrition rate of any party with official status in over 20 years.  Worse, one of these departed MPs, Sheila Malcolmson, ended up paving the way for the Green Party to double its caucus in the subsequent by-election.

Despite the negative coverage, when covered at all, the NDP is showing some resilience, still polling near historic average in the mid-teens.  Jagmeet Singh took the step to present a bold, audacious vision for the next election, a prelude to the platform that was well received by the NDP base.  The challenge remains, for the party and the Leader, to translate this enthusiasm, such as it is, to the general public.

Yves-François Blanchet, Bloc Québécois:  C

Yes, the Bloc Québécois has a new leader, its 14th leader in fact (including the interim leaders).  Yves-François Blanchet has taken over from the disaster that was Martine Ouellet, and since then the Bloc fortunes have slightly improved.  Blanchet's leadership has been quietly efficient instead of grandstanding in Ottawa, he has been touring the province and hitting local news with a simple, basic message: Quebec knows what is right for Quebec.

This is a reference to Bill 21, the new Quebec legislation banning religious symbols for some state employees.  Blanchet is staking his territory, secretly hoping that the other leaders take the bait.  Blanchet is hoping to double the number of Bloc seats and bring it to at least twenty, which would be its best results since 2008.  Yves-François Blanchet's objectives are realistic, despite the PQ's problems in Quebec City, but Blanchet cannot rely simply on the other parties to do poorly.

Elizabeth May, Green Party of Canada: B

Elizabeth May has been touting the impending arrival of a green wave across Canada, but if it does happen, it would have little to do with her ongoing performance as a leader.  While she is studious and participates actively in Parliamentary debates the current surge the Greens are experiencing in the voting intentions do not seemed to be linked directly with her, although her tendency to try to stand above the fray is playing well with voters.

Greens around the world are on the rise, as voters become more and more concerned with the environment, and less and less patient with the response from traditional parties.  In Canada, the Greens have broken through in four provinces, including Prince Edward Island where they are now the Official opposition.  Yet, shortly after the Green Party secured another MP during a BC by-election, Elizabeth May was already talking about propping up a Trudeau government, failing to seize the opportunity given to the Greens by an incoherent Liberal message on the environment.

Maxime Bernier, People's Party of Canada: D-

When Maxime Bernier decided to leave the Conservative Party to found his own libertarian party, many scoffed and laughed at the very idea.  Since then, Maxime Bernier has been steadily building the infrastructure and seems to be on track to have candidates in every riding come October.  But the People's Party ran candidates in every 2019 by-election, with little to show for it:  two sixth places, one fifth place and then a fourth place in Burnaby South; the PPC's best results with 10.65% of the vote.

Shortly after his departure from the CPC, Bernier was, at time, driving the political agenda, sometimes using strident, counter-to-type language that was appealing to some and appalling to many.  The schtick has lost its novelty effect however, and Bernier has faded away as a hanger-on, doing just enough to potentially prevent Andrew Scheer from becoming Prime Minister.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.