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I must admit to a bit of disappointment that Dean French, now the former chief of staff to Ontario Premier Doug Ford, "resigned" so soon.  I was looking forward to finding out who would be the next scarcely qualified government appointee to have personal ties to him.  So much for the neighbour kid who mows his lawn becoming the new managing director of Ontario Parks.

Getting rid of French had to be done, of course.  But after you've been diagnosed with cancer, cutting out the big, lumpy malignancy is only the first step toward recovery.  Ford and his caucus are thoroughly in denial that killing off all the diseased cells may require a round of chemo.

The most recent and most embarrassing example of their denial comes from Etobicoke Centre MPP Kinga Surma.  Writing for the Torstar chain on Monday, Surma described her "disappointment and disbelief" at witnessing her boss get booed at the Toronto Raptors championship victory rally.  "I am tired of the unfair negativity that seems to be purposely perpetuated to contaminate the truth and direct the focus away from the positive things our government is doing to clean up the mess the Wynne Liberals made of Ontario's finances," she complained.

She wasn't accusing the media of unfair spin or fake news, as you might expect.  She wasn't lambasting the Opposition.  She was clapping back at a crowd of somewhere between one million everyday Ontarians.  She was directing her anger at The People.  And as more seasoned politicians know, if you think you're doing a good job, but the public disagrees, it's your fault.

Just one MPP?  Probably one whose staffer had a short-pants looking over their shoulder as they drafted this thing?  Not so.  Ford himself has expressed disbelief that The People may not be for him that much.  To use his own words, it "boggles [his] mind" that the families of children with autism continue to protest his government's bungling of the file.  (For those unfamiliar with the bungling, economist Mike Moffatt, himself a parent of two children with autism, is doing yeoman's work keeping stakeholders informed.)  Ford signaled no intent to change course, or even try to find out how he should.  To him, as always, one improved metric equals sound management.

Despite the loyalty of his caucus, which is enforced to near-Stalinist proportions, Ford has been content to make them the scapegoats.  Vic Fedele, shunted from Finance to Economic Development, is among the more high-profile of last week's demotions.  Lisa MacLeod is another, now in charge of Tourism, Culture and Sport after becoming the face of the autism omnishambles.  The nearly indistinguishable Lisa Thompson is down to Government and Consumer Services after overseeing deep cuts to K-12 education.  Their replacements plus the seven new ministers added one year after Ford's promise to keep his cabinet small  should have the pattern down: get appointed, become inextricably linked to a terrible idea, get demoted an absurdly short time later.  Good luck to them.

When on the defensive, Ford tries to remind us that Kathleen Wynne was premier before him.  Ontarians booted her Liberals from government after a decade of corruption and mismanagement, under little illusion that Ford would be a shining beacon of competence, but hopeful that he'd at least be an improvement.  Desperate to look like a hard worker, he careens wildly between one good idea and 15 awful ones, building enough of a record of his own to make Wynne feel like a much more distant memory than she is.  New governments can typically get away with blaming their predecessors for at least two years.  Ford has run out the clock in half the time.

Most voters are not deep thinkers on policy or political philosophy.  But even if they don't read all the endnotes in a platform, or even any of the body copy, they like to be confident that some serious thought goes into what their government is doing.  Ford has inspired no such confidence.  He has made himself a hard worker at the expense of being a smart worker, one who is in tune with how his work affects The People day-to-day.  He is either unwilling, unable, or both to reflect on his actions, learn from his mistakes, and admit to his deficiencies.  As far as he is concerned, he is doing a fine job, and if the public disagrees, it's their fault.

Photo Credit: National Post

Written by Jess Morgan

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Conservative Leader Andrew Scheer has finally crossed the floor-level bar set for him on environmental policy.  He has released a document with the words "environment" and "plan" both in the title.

They've also liberally peppered the word "real" in there, by calling it a "real plan."  Anything that requires explicit branding as "real" is a giant red flag that it is not, in fact, real.

In his brief introduction statement to the document, Scheer makes sure to use the phrase "real plan" four times in a brisk 500 words*.

But that's not the only repetition in this document.  There are a number of phrases that get hammered again and again.  Not just in the parts where the document is explaining what the plan is, but also the turgid first portion where the Conservatives talk about how bad the Liberals are.

It has three guiding principles: "Green Technology, Not Taxes"; "A Cleaner and Greener Natural Environment"; and "Taking the Climate Change Fight Global."  Each of these principles is absurdly capitalized, and endlessly repeated throughout the document.

And that kind of gives you an idea of what this document really is.  It's not a policy plan, it's a communications document.  It's a spin plan.

To make that clear, one of the planks of the green technology section of the document is to set up a federal-level equivalent of Alberta's so-called energy war room.  The idea is that, essentially, Canadian products and resources don't get the proper rhetorical credit for how much cleaner — note the relative nature of "cleaner" — they are than their foreign competitors.  Scheer's government would fix that by making a bunch of labels to slap on stuff that read "Canadian Clean."

Just to give you an idea of how empty this is, one of the products Scheer wants to label as "Canadian Clean" is aluminum.  The trouble with aluminium is that for every tonne of it you make, two tonnes of carbon are released.  Canada's aluminum is certainly produced with less carbon than elsewhere, thanks in large part to 90 percent of the metals' production taking place in Québec, where the grid is largely powered by hydro electric dams.  But the 2:1 carbon to aluminum ratio still stands **.

It's also a document peppered with self-congratulation.  The independent research used is "great."  The stakeholder consultations were — are? — "endless."  The work putting it together was "hard."  All that back patting is just from the first sentence of the introduction.

It also complains the Liberals climate plan "gives polluters a pass" and says he would be different, because the Conservative plan would expand the number of companies on the hook by changing the threshold to 40 kilotonnes of CO2 emissions from 50 kilotonnes.  This would, yes, catch more companies in its net.  But a company pumping out 39.9 kilotonnes of CO2 would still be given a pass, to pick a phrase out of nowhere.

It also requires that companies emitting more than a certain amount — the actual threshold will be figured out at a later date, we're assured — would have to invest an amount — the size of which would depend on how much they'd over-polluted — into green technologies.  But this isn't a tax, you see, it's a mandatory investment in green technology to be certified by federal oversight.  Very different from a tax.

The plan, of course, also includes some consumer goodies in the form of a tax credit to make your home more energy efficient.  There's also a credit if you patent "green" technologies, and the promise of a tech hub, and an innovation fund.

There are some interesting ideas in there, such as connecting remote communities to the power grid, rather than having them rely on diesel generators for power.  And increasing the amount of nuclear power produced in the country.  Investing more money in carbon reduction technology is certainly decent.

So much of the document is a broad sketch aimed not really at reducing carbon emissions in Canada, but placing the blame elsewhere and promising to export solutions abroad so everyone else can fix their problems.  It is, in many respects, an abdication of any of the moral necessity to clean up our own mess no matter how much dirtier someone else may be.  We can do both things at once.

But let's forget about morality and tax credits and all that for a moment.  The trick with this Conservative plan-thing, is this is all they needed.  For more than a year now Scheer has been dogged by questions of when he'd be releasing a climate change plan.  The lack of a plan has lingered for so long, the implication there never would be a plan at all. (Oops, guilty.)

The point of the Conservative plan is merely that a stack of paper needs to exist.  And here it is, existing.  Scheer was asked merely to show up, now he has.

Such is politics, an ever baser game of gotcha, never really about what a thing is, but how it looks from afar.

***

* This column, by comparison, is a little more than 900 words long.

** There is a pilot project in Québec involving a new smelting process that releases no carbon, but it hasn't been proven on an industrial scale, and is nowhere close to replacing the current production country-wide.  Canada currently produces about 3.2 million tonnes of aluminum every year.  You can read more about the carbon-free process here, in CIM Magazine, on page 21.

Photo Credit: CBC News

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.