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There are officially three sitting weeks left in the House of Commons, and the government is ensuring that they will be long sitting weeks as MPs will be sitting until midnight four days a week to pass the bills still on the Order Paper, while the government still introduces more of them this week's tabling of the enabling legislation for the New NAFTA being but one example.  While it is certainly possible that the government, through judicious use of time allocation motions, get through all of those bills, the real question remains the Senate, where the Order Paper crisis has not abated with the timetable agreement forced on the Leader of the Government in the Senate err, "government representative," Senator Peter Harder.  This is going to very likely mean that the Senate is going to have to sit well into July to pass everything still on its plate, and that the House of Commons will likely have to be recalled after Canada Day to deal with amendments that come its way.

Not to put too fine of a point on things, but there are currently ten bills still on the Order Paper in the Senate, and another nine government bills headed its way from the House of Commons including the New NAFTA bill.  Two of those bills still in the Commons are money bills, which mean that they will absolutely need to get passed, and one of them is an Indigenous bill that will be key to prime minister Justin Trudeau looking to show progress on his election promises and the process of reconciliation.  One of the other bills introduced last week, which seeks to amend the Oath of Citizenship to include reference to Indigenous treaties, is also fulfilling one of the recommendations of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, so Trudeau would very likely want to also get that passed as well.

That doesn't leave many bills that the government could leave on the Order Paper to die as a marker for the election in terms of something they will want to show they are committed to in the next election I would have a hard time seeing them wanting to abandon their poverty reduction strategy bill, or the cannabis possession pardons bill, so that leaves… the independent oversight of CBSA bill (which they should have passed three years ago when the Senate bill on the same topic was passed, but that's another story for another day), and the Mackenzie Valley resource management bill.  There's not a lot they can leave on the table.

Which brings us to the problem in the Senate with managing their timelines in terms of getting these bills passed.  While an agreement for timelines was forced on Senator Harder in early April for a number of bills, two of them are behind on their timelines for third reading votes, both bills still in committee, while a third one still has another week to go on its agreed upon timeline to finish committee study and have its third reading vote.  While some players in the Senate have been looking for them to sit later and get through business, most of the Independent senators have little appetite for doing so, and while they are now sitting Monday evenings, they are not sitting Fridays.

There are a few problems compounding here one of them is with the government not getting bills to the Senate in a timely enough manner, which is fair enough criticism, but that's only a problem for the incoming nine bills and not the ten that are already on the Order Paper.  Another problem is the fact that there are too many private members' bills that senators are focusing their attention on, particularly Romeo Saganash's UNDRIP bill and Rona Ambrose's bill on judicial training.  In fact, the Senate voted to force the legal and constitutional affairs committee, which is already overloaded with government bills, to hold a special session to deal with Ambrose's bill where senators are proposing major amendments to it given that the bill as it stands is likely unconstitutional and they will turn it from a very bad bill that will harm judicial independence to a fairly harmless feel-good bill that has simply wasted everyone's time.

But the biggest problem remains that the Independent Senators Group still can't get their act together when it comes to dealing with legislation.  Even if they would negotiate timelines on bills recall that they consider any kind of horse-trading in order to get things done to be "partisan" and they refuse to do so they can't get any of their members to adhere to those negotiated timelines, which makes it difficult for the other groups to trust them at this point.  Add to that, too many of those Independent senators want to spend time on extraneous debate, getting their thoughts on the record rather than being more efficient about the business of legislation that the Senate used to be known for, and this creates added drag on the timelines.

But that's not where the blame is being laid, which is where this conversation is likely to devolve the closer to Canada Day this parliament gets and the bills continue to pile up on the Order Paper, and that blame will be laid at the feet of the Conservatives because they are doing their jobs as the official opposition and *gasp* opposing bills.  You know, like how a Westminster system is supposed to operate.  This is made worse when political scientists with media profiles are railing that the Conservatives shouldn't be allowed to be a political caucus in the Senate any longer, and it builds onto the narrative that even when Conservatives raise legitimate concerns with bills  because it's their job  those concerns are just them being partisan so they should be dismissed.  Yes, there have been procedural shenanigans, but oftentimes it's done in the service of trying to get the ISG and Harder to negotiate like they're supposed to.  But nobody wants to admit that this is a major flaw in Trudeau's "reform" of the Senate, and with that in mind, I look forward to welcoming MPs back in July to deal with those overdue Senate bills, when Ottawa will be a hot, humid mess.

Photo Credit: Ottawa Tourism

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


In light of stateside abortion bans, it's been incredibly difficult trying to convince my pro-choice and feminist friends that Conservative Leader Andrew Scheer is nothing to fear.  Literally, nothing.  My 10-month-old Newfoundland is more intimidating than this guy.  At least he has a deep (if rarely used) bark.

But Scheer has given other people a great deal of room to define him in bad faith, only deciding this month to start defining himself in earnest with a series of five keynote speeches called, creatively enough, My Vision for Canada.  You will find that hot-button social issues like abortion and LGBTQ rights are mentioned in none of them.  Like all federal Conservatives who don't wish to make themselves pariahs on their own bench, Scheer runs from the word "abortion" the way women run from the word "moist" perhaps not out of sincere commitment to reproductive choice, but for the sake of political self-preservation, which is as good a reason as any.

And so, in the interests of giving Scheer the kind of attention he wants, let us run through some of the ideas he articulated in his first three speeches, beginning with foreign policy.  There is little sign of a coherent "Scheer Doctrine" so far, except that he wants "Canada to be on the starting line" geopolitically.  In a world of superpowers, he is doomed to be disappointed.

Diplomacy: Scheer gives no detail as to how, in practical terms, he would change Canada's relationships with Russia (which is bad), Iran (also bad), Israel (great), or China (slightly less bad but still pretty bad).  He is slightly more specific about our relationship with the U.S., which he believes can be improved through further integration of our two militaries, and La Francophonie, with whom he favours further economic integration.  He delves no deeper than that.

Trade: He likes it.  And he'll like it even more when China stops behaving like, well, China.  That's about it.

Military procurement: Scheer recognizes the importance of ensuring that our forces are properly equipped to defend our Arctic territory.  He does not recognize that his party's record on procurement is at least as abysmal as the Liberal record.  He concludes this section by promising not to cancel existing procurement contracts, because "jobs in our shipyards are depending on us" a clear sign that, under his government, procurement will remain the economic stimulus program that it is.

Global security: Scheer will step up Canada's cybersecurity capabilities, with help from the private sector, and "reinvigorate" existing security alliances such as Five Eyes and NATO, with possible further alliances with India and Japan.  That last part, at least, is an idea, until you consider that Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has already taken early steps toward these ends.

Moving on to the economy: Scheer says positive economic indicators do not prevent Canadians from feeling like they are barely getting by.  While statements like this drive wonks mad, the political risks of focusing entirely on numbers cannot be overstated.  For example, as a child, he once had to choose between going to a sports camp and going to a different sports camp.  (Yes, this was the best example he could think of.)  So how would he help Canadians feel better off?

Carbon taxes: The "huge burden" it imposes on Canadians will disappear.  So will the rebate checks.  Just so he knows.

A coast-to-coast energy corridor: How long do you think it will take for every affected province, municipality, and First Nation to agree to the route?  I'm giving it 30 years.

Energy independence by 2030: Let's call "energy independence" what it is: supply management for oil.  It's unsurprising that Scheer would favour this without it ever occurring to him that this would very likely a) force Canadians to pay distorted prices for fuel and b) scare off energy investors.

Corporate welfare: Gone.  Sure.

Tax exemptions for home heating and parental benefits: As tax expenditures ago, these are less irritatingly micro-targeted than most.  I'm sure he's saving those expenditures for after the writ drops.

Housing: He's aware of the value of boosting supply, which is refreshing.  That doesn't stop him from wanting to boost demand by "rework[ing] the mortgage stress test."  But this, again, offers broader relief than other demand-side proposals he might have made.

The third speech covers immigration, and I'm sure we're all dying to hear what he actually has to say about that.  Unfortunately for those hoping for continued snark, I found little cause for it here.  He does call for an end to irregular border crossings, which is no longer controversial, but he also calls for a proper balance of economic and family reunification immigration, a higher cap on private sponsorship of refugees, and an immigration target level that changes annually based on need.  He also makes it clear that racists and xenophobes are "not welcome" in the Conservative Party a much-needed clarification, although it will only reach its full potency when he says it to a racist xenophobe's face.

I'll be on vacation for the next two weeks, giving Scheer ample time to deliver his planned speeches on Confederation and the environment.  Stay tuned for Things Andrew Scheer Might Actually Do: Part II: The Blandening!

Photo Credit: The Globe & Mail

Writing by Jess Morgan

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.