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Canadians spent the past weekend celebrating Victoria Day, a holiday typically marked by going to someone's cottage and getting drunk, while some devoted monarchists call on we as a nation to reflect on our British heritage… and then go to someone's cottage and get drunk.

Let's be honest: For all the high-minded talk of the importance of honouring our history, for most human beings, a day off is a day off.  Only a few committed nerds think to celebrate Victoria Day as it was first celebrated, when about 5,000 people gathered at the corner of King and Simcoe in Toronto to "give cheers to their queen," who turned 35 that day.  Among those committed nerds is Alberta Premier Jason Kenney, who tweeted an image of a stained-glass window in the Senate building depicting Victoria, Elizabeth II, and two coats of arms: the Royal Arms of the United Kingdom and the nearly identical arms of Canada, distinguished only by three fleurs-de-lis and a sprig of maple leaves.

If our heraldry is anything to go by, Canada already does a wonderful job honouring its British heritage, at the expense of more inventive symbolism.  Our full armorial achievement refers to Britain, or England specifically, in no less than six ways: the gold lions in the shield, the gold lion supporter, the Tudor roses in the compartment, the Union Flag, the royal helmet, and the crowns.  The French get three nods: both sets of three fleurs-de-lis and the additional lilies in the compartment.  The Scots get three: the red lion, the unicorn, and the thistles.  The Irish get two: the harp and the shamrocks.

What is there to give the viewer a clue that the country at hand is even on a different continent?  The maple leaves at the bottom of the shield, I should point out plus the red-and-white mantling on the helmet and two Latin phrases, one of which is partially obscured by the English and Scottish symbols overlapping it.  Much like other Canadian branding geniuses, the creators of our arms fell back on adding some red and white and leaves.  They put in little more effort than the people who design our Olympic uniforms.

Our arms were not an inevitability.  There are plenty of ways for heraldry to reflect a country's geography, economy, culture, and values, even when that country is inextricably linked to another.  Our Commonwealth cousin New Zealand offers a perfect example of getting this right: In addition to the crown and the flag, there is the Southern Cross constellation (representing celestial navigation), a wheat sheaf (agriculture), a ram (livestock farming), hammers (mining), galleys (trade and immigration), silver ferns (the official floral emblem), and, perhaps most significantly, a Maori chieftain in full ceremonial garb, depicted in equal stature to Zealandia, the personification of the country's non-Indigenous peoples.  Only a kiwi with the One Ring on its beak, sitting atop a rugby ball held aloft by one of the guys from Flight of the Conchords, could make these arms more unmistakably theirs.

Imagine if our arms were that unique.  Canoes to symbolize the fur trade.  A polar bear or a North Star for the importance of the Arctic.  A seascape compartment for our three coasts.  For supporters, a Mountie on one side and an Iroquois chief on the other.  We're stuck with the maple leaf as our floral emblem, but we wouldn't have to repeat it three bloody times if we incorporated some other recognizably Canadian elements.

I am not the first person to wish for arms along these lines. When previous commentators have criticized our arms or some of our flags for being too "colonialist," they are usually met with a heap of scorn from traditionalists accusing them of wishing to "erase history."  But erasure isn't the objective, or even a necessary condition.  The fact is that our ties to Britain have been minimal ever since the patriation of the constitution in 1982.  Surely our national symbols should reflect that Canada is the most important aspect of itself that the whole is at least as great as the sum of its British, French, Indigenous, and immigrant parts.

Should any Anglophiles gripe about where such a change might lead, I will only point out that Victoria Day is a federal statutory holiday and, say, St-Jean-Baptiste Day is not.  We're doing all right when it comes to giving Her Majesty her due.

As matters of national concern go, the design of Canada's coat of arms is far, far, far down the list, unless you're a heraldry enthusiast like me who instinctively notices these things.  But we are, in theory, supposed to take some time this week to reflect on our British heritage.  Sometimes those reflections lead one to conclude that it may not hurt to display just a little less of it.

Written by Jess Morgan

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Creating a war room is surely a way to invite conflict.

And Alberta Premier Jason Kenney is happily opening the door to controversy with his plan to counter false and misleading statements and campaigns against oil and gas.

"I think it's the best investment we could possibly make in defending an industry that is the source of about one-third of the jobs in this province, directly and indirectly," says Kenney.

Details of the shape of the war room will soon be announced, but it presumably will include cadres of diligent writers and tweeters refuting every environmentalist and celebrity who ventures an opinion on Alberta's carbon emission record.

Kenney has also raised a whole host of other contentious issues with his $30 million plan, including the role of a free press in keeping government accountable, the use of taxpayer money for private sector advocacy and the growing fake news/official news dichotomy.

Kenney himself didn't raise the free press question.  Media juggernaut Postmedia managed to open that can of worms by hiring a former Kenney staffer to lobby the Alberta government for a role in the war room (and presumably a whack of government advertising dough).

Postmedia's defence is that it's the company's custom content division, not the news division, that would have a relationship with the government.  Pundits and academics and likely a few readers of Postmedia's big dailies in Alberta have major reservations about the distinction.

The free press issue is of most compelling concern to the media itself and its credibility and relevance with its customers.

But the public money/private industry issue exposes the Alberta government to some legitimate questioning.  Is the war room just a partisan project designed to push the UCP agenda?  Could it, in fact, damage Alberta's reputation in the long run if it denies legitimate environmental concerns as well as exaggerated or false opposition to energy development?

Kenney is promising to undo the NDP's contracts with Canada's railways to help meet the shortfall in oil transport out of the province because he says it is an expenditure better left to the industry.  Isn't the industry able to defend itself?

Of course the Alberta government has always promoted the virtues of its own resources and industry.  The UCP government will draw $10 million of the $30 million for the war room out of the existing budget for government advertising.

During the election campaign, Edmonton Beverly-Clareview NDP MLA Deron Bilous argued that the UCP war room promise was just a version of the NDP government's Keep Canada Working campaign, which papered the nation with billboards and advertising about the number of jobs Alberta's energy industry creates outside the provincial borders.

There is a difference between the two approaches, however.  The NDP campaign was a bright animated positive campaign aimed at pushing the public opinion needle toward support for oil pipelines.

The tone Kenney has set for the UCP war room is not so open and positive.  He has made it clear he plans to crush opposition to the energy industry and he's willing to not just campaign but also litigate if necessary to protect the province's economy.  He also says he wants an inquiry into the role of foreign money in funding environmental organizations.

In short, Alberta is on war footing now to protect the beleaguered oil and gas industry.

Some targets of the war room have been dismissive of the potential damage Kenney will do to environmental causes.  A Greenpeace spokesman has dubbed it "amateur hour".  Environmental law firm Ecojustice is suggesting Kenney is trying to distract from the need to reduce carbon emissions.

The Alberta war room fits into a conspiracy narrative growing in the political arena across Canada and beyond: Powerful forces are against us so the government has to counter with extraordinary measures and an amplified message of its own.

Ontario News Now is a case in point.  The Doug Ford government has created is own media outlet to ensure its message gets out untouched by perfidious journalists.

It could be argued Donald Trump has been using Fox News in a similar way to fight his political battles without any balancing counterargument.

Whatever Kenney's war room does for the debate revolving around energy development and environmentalism, the creation of this kind of tool will have wide ranging consequences in a number of other arenas.

Photo Credit: CBC News

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


So the other shoe has dropped.  Right on the news industry.  The Liberals are so self-satisfied they're shoveling tax money at friendly media through an arms-length panel whose bias they don't even see any point in pretending to hide.

In case you missed it, the CBC reports that eight organizations will each nominate one member to the "independent panel" that will hand out $600 million over five years to media who say the right sorts of things.  And those organizations are (drum roll please) "News Media Canada, the Association de la presse francophone, the Quebec Community Newspaper Association, the National Ethnic Press and Media Council of Canada, the Canadian Association of Journalists, the Fédération professionnelle des journalistes du Québec, Unifor and the Fédération nationale des communications."

Now possibly you, the consumer of news, do not recognize many of these outfits and wonder why they get to distribute your dollars to people you did not choose to buy newspapers from or otherwise support.  Well, if it feels like an "inside job", it is.

As with the "Independent Advisory Board" that recommends Senate appointments, the trick is to staff such things with dependably orthodox members of the Laurentian elite, mostly central Canadian to be sure but above all comfortably immersed in a certain mindset to the point of not realizing there's a world outside their fishbowl.

People like us, dahling.  All in on global warming, abortion on demand, peacekeeping, transgenderism, public transit, public education, deficit spending blah blah blah.  I can't quote William F. Buckley in every column (as I also did in this week's National Post) that "Liberals claim to want to give a hearing to other views, but then are shocked and offended to discover that there are other views."  But my goodness.  This list is what you'd have written in a satirical prediction.

For starters, because Quebec seems to loom over Canada from, say, Montreal, three of the eight organizations have French names while a fourth is the Quebec Community Newspaper Association.  And why not, since half the Canadian populace is francophone as are five of ten provinces.

What?  They're not?  Don't tell Justin Trudeau who, in an unguarded moment in 1999, blurted out to CTV that "My father's philosophy, and certainly he has passed it on to us, has always been that Quebecers are better than the rest of Canada.  Because, you know, we're Quebecers or whatever.  A lot more of us are bilingual, bicultural, a lot more awareness of the rest, and that's a richness."  Is awareness of the rest what springs to mind when you listen to our Prime Minister?

Then there's the fact that two of the eight organizations are unions.  And why not, given their prominent place in our society.  I mean over 70% of Canadians are unionized, right?  OK, under 30%.  But in the public sector it's over 71% which is what counts.  In the private sector it's 15% but really, who knows those dreary people?  Everyone should and can have job security for life, retire early with a defined-benefit pension and lavish benefits.  Like us.  And now the press will say so.

Not one of those eight outfits is right of centre.  Again, who knows those people?  We're all into identity politics and journalists will be too if they know what's good for their bottom line.  So in addition to the CBC which is fully independent and just happens to share the big-government, socially-liberal views of those who fund it, we'll have newspapers and perhaps "private" TV stations who depend for their survival on handouts from a government advised by its friends.

In a way it's not a surprise.  He who pays the piper calls the tune.  And a key qualification for membership in Laurentia is not to waste time examining the assumption that no decent person holds different views than you and those you know on any vital matter.  If Justin Trudeau and Heritage Minister Pablo Rodriguez, who astonishingly represents a Montreal riding, were in any way sensitive to such considerations, or even to concerns about them, their list of organizations would not read like a Yes Minster parody.

Technically it remains to be seen who will be found worthy of subsidy.  But I'm betting on the Toronto Star and probably the Globe & Mail.  Possibly Postmedia, with subtle pressure to drop the right-wing cranks and get with the program.

I doubt it will work out for anyone concerned.  Those who get the subsidies will quickly tire of letters and comments jeering about venality every time they take a pro-government position.  Governments are not well-served by echo chambers.  And society doesn't gain from driving legitimate criticism off to the darker corners of the internet.

The problem of finding a viable business model that doesn't turn watchdogs into lapdogs is not simple.  And it matters, because a world without a mass media is problematic (even for those not paid to write columns).  The Internet intensifies the problem G.K. Chesterton warned of about big cities, that we can associate exclusively with like-minded people.  Better to have everyone cussing the same Globe editorial than all cheering resentment-filled news feeds that cater exclusively to their world view.

So my plan is to go back to the pre-20th-century-mass-production model and charge customers for content not advertisers for customers.  It might well fail.  But it's worth a try because becoming paid agents of the state will kill our credibility and theirs.

As if either of us had much to spare, I might add.  Especially after seeing this list.

Photo Credit: CBC News

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.