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In the days since Government Leader in the Senate err, "government representative" Senator Peter Harder dropped his nuclear programming motion that would affect eleven bills at various stages, there was a great deal of pushback.  The Conservatives went to war over it, and within 48 hours, Harder was forced to withdraw it.  But that doesn't mean that agendas aren't coming out of the woodwork over this, and that the various factions in the Senate aren't trying to use the Order Paper crisis for their own ends.  So while an agreement on timetables for certain bills was reached, Harder once again overplayed his hand, and came away wounded as a result.

With a lot of threads to pick up on in this, let's start with the Conservatives calling Harder out as a bad faith negotiator in the Chamber.  The Conservative whip, Senator Don Plett, stated that he had an agreement with Harder on Bills C-75 and C-85 to fast-track them.

"Your words to me when I left your office were that if I could make that change [on these bills], you would not introduce a programming motion," Plett stated.  "I had never heard of a programming motion.  I kept my part of the bargain.  You did not.  In complete contradiction of your word to me, you tabled a programming motion that is seven pages long and impacts 11 bills."

Harder refused to take responsibility for it, and very quickly the Conservatives moved to adjourn the Chamber for the day, before Harder could start debate on his motion, and they managed to get enough votes to do so.  It was a taste of what would happen every day until Harder withdrew the motion, and Thursday afternoon he did.  He claimed he came to an agreement with the leadership of the other groups, but my own sources indicate it was more of a case that the deal was imposed on him.  Much of this timetable that was agreed to had been in the works for weeks and he didn't want to play ball, but no longer had a choice.

 

The final timetable that was agreed to contains dates that are later than Harder wanted in some cases, and don't have third reading dates on some major legislation that the Conservatives in particular are opposed to, such as bills C-48 (tanker ban) and C-69 (environmental assessments).  That means that Harder will need to try his luck at time allocation or closure on those when the time comes, but those would be individual motions on individual bills at third reading not a sweeping motion on eleven bills at various stages.

 

Throughout this drama, however, the Independent Senators Group tried to insert themselves as a voice of moderation, but they had an agenda at play as well.  There are some key phrases in their press release that stick out one of them is that they want "an orderly process for the review of Government bills, including timelines and end-dates for the passage of bills through the Senate."  This reads to me as code for a desire for a business committee, whose purpose would be to essentially time allocate all business in the Senate rather than allow for the current process of negotiation that the ISG should be participating in.  I'm firmly opposed to the notion of such a committee because it takes away from the powers of individual senators to speak to any item on the Order Paper that they choose, and because it's simply time allocation by stealth.

The ISG's "facilitator," Senator Yuen Pau Woo, also blamed the Conservatives for not including the ISG in their negotiations, which misplaces the blame entirely it's not the Conservatives' job to bring the ISG to the table, it's Harder's.  That is, for what it's worth to bring the ISG to any table because they don't whip their members, so they have no way to enforce agreements.  But this also ignores the fact that negotiations between the caucuses are supposed to take place daily at the "scroll meetings" which the ISG participates in.  Well, "participates," given that they don't engage in the horse-trading that gets business moved in the Senate because they believe that to be "partisan."  They have ample opportunity to negotiate, so claiming otherwise is bogus.

Woo also used another key phrase, which was that they found themselves in that position of Harder bringing in the programming motion because "the Opposition in the Senate does not recognize the Independent Senators Group as a legitimate group on par with partisan caucuses in the Upper Chamber."  This is almost certainly a reference to the changes to the Parliament of Canada Act that Woo has been agitating for, which would give the ISG or any other group that may splinter off of them official recognition at a certain size, and would entitle their leadership to new funding.  This late in the parliamentary calendar, it's unclear if the government will be willing or able to table any changes to the Act, though there has been suspicion that it may wind up as part of the upcoming omnibus budget implementation bill, and it would be a question of how extensive the proposed changes would be, because changes to that Act may require sign-off from the provinces if they're extensive enough, according to some legal analyses.  Regardless, Woo is using this crisis to push his own agenda forward while also trying to make the Conservatives look like they're the unreasonable party at the table.  They're not.

While it's indisputably a good thing that Harder backed down and withdrew the motion, it nevertheless leaves the problem that he didn't think about the kind of precedent that he was setting with a motion like this.  Imagine any future government deciding that they can bigfoot the work of the Senate with a motion like this so long as they have enough seats, or can corral enough Independents to their side by whatever means they can muster.  It's insane, and yet Harder went there without much hesitation, and rationalized it as trying to own the Conservatives, because partisanship is bad.  It also confirms suspicions that Harder has been precipitating the crisis on the Order Paper in order to convince the Senate that they need a business committee, and Woo's release is indicative that they're open to that, which is a problem.  Above all, it's hard to see how Harder's remaining as Government Leader can continue to be tenable with this big of a miscalculation.  Granted, prime minister Justin Trudeau can continue to neglect the Senate and the mess he's created with Harder's ill-considered appointment, so Harder may remain in place.  Nevertheless, it's looking increasingly like this attempt at "doing politics differently" with the Senate is blowing up in Trudeau's face.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


In refusing to jump from the federal Liberal Party caucus before she was pushed, ex-Justice Minister Jody Wilson-Raybould triple-dog-dared Prime Minister Justin Trudeau to take his likeliest and most inadvisable next step.  Go ahead, she seemed to be saying with each passing day.  Boot me from the party.  I can take it.  And then there'll be no further questions about what your real priorities are.

He did, of course.  And if there was the slightest shred of doubt lingering after that, he erased it by simultaneously booting ex-Treasury Board President Jane Philpott, whose only offence was to resign from cabinet in solidarity with JWR.  Perhaps Independent MP Celina Caesar-Chavannes might have joined them if she hadn't jumped first.  So far, she is the only Liberal to have done this on account of Trudeau's mishandling of the SNC-Lavalin scandal, and will probably remain so.

That Philpott was a second victim of the Tuesday Evening Massacre was a surprise.  So were the acid tones of Trudeau's subsequent address to the media.  In a voice reminiscent of the villainous president in the lousy film adaptation of a teen dystopia novel, he set out to convince Canadians that JWR and Philpott's firings were not just in the party's interest, but the national interest as well.

"The trust that previously existed between these two individuals and our team has been broken," he began, "whether it's taping conversations without consent, or repeatedly expressing a lack of confidence in our government, and in me personally as leader."  Or, you know, having multiple staff members try to pressure a cabinet minister into showing special favour to a private corporation.  But political speechwriting is tricky, you know.  You have to be selective about these things.

"This has been a difficult few weeks for our government and for our Liberal team," he went on.  "On the issues surrounding SNC-Lavalin, we've seen allegations made and different versions of events detailed.  Amid the confusing and competing narratives, Canadians, rightly, have had questions."  Great!  Time to get some answers!

"We made a commitment to Canadians in 2015 to do things differently."  Ah, crud.

"We approached politics differently.  We approached team-building differently.  And in learning to do new things and doing them differently, we encountered difficult moments.  Because doing new things, doing different things, is hard."  Indeed.  For example, reducing the centralized power of the Prime Minister's Office is so hard that they haven't even tried.

"We're not always going to be perfect."  At this point, we'll settle for mediocre.

"When we were elected in 2015, we won because we stood together as a team."  No, that's not why you won.  Every party, especially in an election year, is a stack of Lego bricks of the same color held together with concrete adhesive.  You won because of "real change," remember?

"The old Liberal Party was notorious for infighting.  People on the same team used to identify themselves not as Liberals, but as hyphenated Liberals.  My leadership was a commitment to change that."  Oh, that's the real change: Even the slightest whiff of dissent from the leader's line is enough to get you turfed.  That's healthy!

"Civil wars within parties are incredibly damaging because they signal to Canadians that we care more about ourselves than we do about them."  Excuse me while I laugh into my fist for ten minutes.

"We've taken every effort to address their concerns . . ."  Still laughing.  And also pulling out my hair whenever his voice fades down on the last syllable of every sentence.  Soap opera actors speak this way.

Okay, here's where he really starts seething: "If a politician secretly records a conversation with anyone, it's wrong. . . . And when that cabinet minister is the Attorney General of Canada secretly recording the Clerk of the Privy Council, it's unconscionable."  Yes.  This is the part about which he wants us to be angriest.  Secret phone call recording vs. interfering with independent prosecutorial decisions.  Any takers?  People with shamrocks in their Twitter handle need not apply.

"Being a member of caucus comes with both rights and responsibilities.  A team has to trust each other. . . . Our political opponents win when Liberals are divided.  We can't afford to make that mistake.  Canadians are counting on us."  Because, he continues for the next five minutes, climate change and pharmacare and something about Christchurch and boy that Andrew Scheer sure sucks amirite?

And here comes the money shot: "We have always, always, fought to create and protect jobs, and we will never apologize for doing so!"  I look forward to see what else they'll excuse in the name of jobs.  This, maybe.

So, there we have it.  If the Liberals made any mistakes, it's that they were too passionate about jobs and too committed to party unity.  But all will be well from now on.  They've solved everything now that they've discovered these hos ain't loyal.  On to October!

Photo Credit: Toronto Sun

Written by Jess Morgan

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.