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Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, I'd argue, is currently embracing what might be called a "multitasking" communication strategy.

More specifically, in an effort to win re-election, I'm saying the prime minister will hedge his bets by simultaneously campaigning like three distinct candidates with three distinct messages.

If I'm right about this (and I'm usually right) it would, of course, mark a dramatic shift for Trudeau who, up until now, basically relied on a single, simple message: "Love me because of my adorably, cute personality."

And, let's face it, in the past that "cuteness" tactic totally worked for him, certainly it helped sweep him into power four years ago and certainly it helped keep him atop the polls for a long time.

But that was then and this is now.

Now, unfortunately for Trudeau, certain recent events have somewhat dimmed his "Care Bear" appeal.

Events such as Trudeau's disastrous India trip, in which his costume choices made him look like a extra from Aladdin; his controversial purchase of the Trans Mountain oil pipeline, which undermined his "Captain Planet" image; his ongoing diplomatic battle with China, which cost him an ambassador, and last but certainly not least, his involvement in the whole messy SNC-Lavalin affair, which cost him his Principal Secretary, two cabinet ministers, the Clerk of the Privy Council and a partridge in a pear tree.

So yeah my point is, given all this heavy baggage he's lugging around, Trudeau suddenly doesn't look so cute and adorable.

That means, if he can longer rely solely on his affable personality to ensure victory, it makes perfect sense for Trudeau to expand his political repertoire.

Hence, this is why I'm saying Trudeau has added more dimensions to his communications strategy — two more dimensions to be exact.

What are they?

Well, first off Trudeau will seek to present himself as an "issues" candidate, i.e. he'll passionately advocate for certain dramatic policies.

Indeed, we're already seeing this tactic play out in the way Trudeau enthusiastically preaches the gospel according to climate change.

As a matter of fact, the very first ploy Trudeau pulled when he was desperately trying to distract public attention away from the SNC-Lavalin scandal was to hold a pro-carbon tax rally.  (Yes, I know he didn't call it that, but essentially that's what it was, right?)

The other dimension I'm seeing Trudeau add to his communication strategy is his willingness to embrace what I call "identificationism" i.e. he's basically saying to Canadians "vote for me because I'm good like you, while the other guy is bad like them."

To put that another way, he's playing a brand of "identity politics", meaning he will use every opportunity to identify himself as a progressive, tolerant, enlightened, civilized leader, while branding Conservative Party leader Andrew Scheer, as a reactionary, bigoted, hate-mongering, white nationalist, barbarian.

Case in point, note how the Liberals pounced on Scheer for supposedly not answering a question about the "alt-right" pizza-gate controversy, and how they scorched the Tory leader for not mentioning the words "Muslims" or "Mosque" in his statement following the horrific attack in New Zealand.

Get used to it to this sort of attack because it's going to be commonplace in the weeks and months ahead.

Meanwhile, at the same time Trudeau is bashing Scheer and pushing policies, he'll also continue to be a "personality" candidate, i.e. he will still play up his regular "Trudeaumania" routine: selfies, photo ops, jogging naked through the woods, riding a skate board in gay pride parades.

At any rate, as I see it, that's basically Trudeau's "multitasking" communication strategy in a nutshell.

What I don't know yet, however, is whether or not Trudeau has the political savvy to pull off such a complex approach to persuasion.

It isn't easy, after all, to advocate for grand policies, to demonize your opponent and to take selfies all at the same time.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Earlier this month, I examined the debate going on within the Ontario Liberal Party between the current system of a leadership convention where every member gets a vote to pick the delegates versus a weighted, one-member, one-vote system.  I concluded, "Neither system is perfect, and frankly… the right leader should be able to win, regardless of the system."

Notwithstanding this broader debate, Ontario Liberals can consider more targeted reforms to the process.

The most obvious area to consider amending is the massive potential list of "ex officio delegates", that is those party executives, insiders and past caucus members who are automatically chosen as delegates and who can vote for whomever they wish, without having to win a vote at a local delegate election meeting.

By my math, there are potentially some 700 such ex officio delegates, or roughly 30% of the total delegates at the 2013 leadership convention.  For comparison, the Democratic Party has roughly 700 "super delegates"—for the entire United States!

These super delegates played a decisive role in the 2013 leadership convention.  Sandra Pupatello, the straight-talking former Windsor MPP, was a clear frontrunner and was perceived to be the establishment's choice; she'd sewn up the support of most of the caucus, themselves ex officio delegates.  Kathleen Wynne, the caucus's liberal lioness, signed up the most new members (a reported 8000), and was thus seen as running a strong second.

At delegate election meetings, Pupatello won the support of 504 delegates; Wynne won 463 — in other words, Pupatello was in the lead, with Wynne a relatively close second.  The Pupatello camp unveiled well over 100 ex officio endorsements, cementing her appearance of a first-ballot lead.

But then, Wynne gave a stirring speech — Steve Paikin called it one of the "great political milestone speeches of all time" — and the remaining ex officio delegates swung behind her.  In the end, Pupatello had 599 delegates, only two delegates ahead of Wynne's 597, a virtual tie.

The point of explaining this, though, is not to rehash the convention machinations.  It's to get to the broader point: Pupatello was +95 and Wynne was +134 versus the delegate election meetings, almost entirely thanks to people who got their position by virtue of their standing in the party, not through a membership vote.

Section 9.15 of the Ontario Liberal Party constitution confers this ex officio status on all past and current Liberal MPPs, the most recent past candidates, all past leaders and party presidents, the party executive and other officials, including leadership of the youth and women's commissions — but also on all Liberal Members of Parliament from Ontario and various Ontario members with leadership positions in the Liberal Party of Canada.

Eliminating the ex officio spots for federal Liberals would immediately reduce the potential ex officio delegate count by nearly 90 individuals.  Such a move would also dovetail with the fact that the Liberal Party of Canada passed a new constitution in 2016 that severs formal integration between the federal party and its provincial sister parties.  The Ontario Liberal Party could quite rightly consider matching this move.

Further, the party could debate eliminating ex officio status for former Liberal MPPs, either entirely or past a certain "expiry" date.  This is a debate worth having; I recall the awkwardness in 2013 of calls being made to former MPPs from the 1970s and 1980s who were now quite advanced in years and had to sheepishly say they simply were not up to coming to a convention in the middle of February.  Similar arguments could be used for past presidents of the party as well.  Such moves could remove upwards of another 200 individuals.

There is precedent for such changes: the Democrats recently reduced their "super delegates" down to roughly 15% of the total delegates, a far more reasonable percentage: enough to empower the leadership of the party without sacrificing the voice of the grassroots.  The above-mentioned potential changes would do much the same for the Ontario Liberal Party.

The Democrats also went one step further: super delegates may not vote on the first ballot.  That vote is entirely shaped by the vote of the delegates the party elected in state primaries and caucuses.  Perhaps this might be considered as well, so that the first ballot, at least, would indeed entirely be shaped by a one-member, one-vote process, but then allow for delegates, including a reduced pool of ex officio delegates, to hammer out a consensus pick on a convention floor.

At the very least, such tweaks to the system should be considered by the party membership.

Photo Credit: National Post

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.