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Jody Wilson-Raybould controls the narrative over the SNC-Lavalin controversy. But how do we know what's really true?

Then you will know the truth, and the truth will set you free. (John 8:32)

There was a time in our society when this important biblical passage meant something.  Honesty was the best policy.  Always follow the straight and narrow path in life.  Young George Washington couldn't lie to his father about chopping down a cherry tree (although that was nothing more than a myth).

Sadly, this is no longer the case.

The majority of people remain good, honest and decent.  But a not-so-insignificant minority will deny, ignore, twist or even lie about the truth.  The repercussions are meaningless to them and they care not a whit about the ill effect it has on our democratic institutions.

Take the controversy between former Liberal cabinet minister Jody Wilson-Raybould and the prime minister's office with respect to the SNC-Lavalin controversy.

It's alleged the PMO tried to influence or pressure Wilson-Raybould to intervene in a criminal proceeding involving the Montreal-based engineering/construction company.

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and the PMO have denied pressuring her, although they've apologized for not defending her in public.

Wilson-Raybould, a former Justice minister, attorney general of Canada and Veterans Affairs minister, has maintained radio silence for most of the past two weeks due to attorney-client privilege.

The notable exception was her Feb. 20 statement in the House of Commons. "I understand fully that Canadians want to know the truth and want transparency," she said. "Privilege and confidentiality are not mine to waive, and I hope that I have the opportunity to speak my truth."

The standing ovation Wilson-Raybould received from opposition parties in Parliament, juxtaposed with the silent, stone-faced looks from her Liberal colleagues, was a powerful and stunning image few Canadians will forget.

One of them is telling the truth (more or less) and the other is lying.  Which is which?

I thought former lawyer Bryan Dale crafted it nicely in a Feb. 21 tweet: "I still don't trust anyone who speaks of 'my truth'.  I don't want her truth, I want the truth."  His second line is exactly what most Canadians want, need and/or expect to happen.

But will it come to fruition?

The Liberal government has been skating around this controversy to the point where giant figure eights on the ice could be easily seen in space.  For instance, they denied the original Globe and Mail bombshell report about SNC-Lavalin, but that's no longer a strong defence in light of what's come out.

Trudeau initially claimed he didn't directly influence Wilson-Raybould to intervene but wouldn't immediately tackle the allegation of the PMO pressuring her.

Conversations about SNC-Lavalin have changed from almost nothing to an admission of spirited debate.  Party unity has been demanded, but some Liberal MPs have clearly broken ranks and defended their colleague.

Since the Liberal version of the truth is so badly tainted in the eyes of many Canadians of different political stripes, Wilson-Raybould's version of the truth will become the default position.  No matter what she says or does from this point.

Does that mean we can trust her truth?

It depends on your perspective.

If you believe that one party or individual has to be right and the other has to be wrong, her impending testimony at the House of Commons justice committee seems stronger.

If you're content with most of the truth coming out of the SNC-Lavalin controversy, she still comes out ahead because she seems more honest and ethical.

If you don't trust anything politicians or parties say, no one comes out ahead.  But her version doesn't lose any credibility with less cynical individuals.

Wilson-Raybould, therefore, has an enormous political advantage over Trudeau and the PMO.  She controls the political narrative, can bide her time and get her thoughts together.

That may just mean the truth will set her free.

Troy Media columnist and political commentator Michael Taube was a speechwriter for former prime minister Stephen Harper.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


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The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Should Justin Trudeau resign as prime minister?

The question's been posed now by Conservative Leader Andrew Scheer, after a jaw-dropping and frank bit of testimony by the former attorney general and justice minister Jody Wilson-Raybould on Wednesday.

In that testimony Wilson-Raybould took a can full of gas and a handful of matches and did her damnedest to set alight the collective pants of the residents of the Prime Minister's Office.  And, you know, she did a pretty bang up job for one afternoon's work.

If you were among those thinking the last few weeks of simmering scandal on how SNC-Lavalin wasn't given a sweetheart deferred prosecution, despite pressure from the PMO placed on the former attorney general, was a big nothingburger, I have bad news.  If you thought this whole thing was a creation of the media, I'm afraid you'll have to hang onto your Butts — though not Gerry's — because things just got wild.

Wilson-Raybould sat in front of the committee and not only confirmed all the bad things we had been hearing, but added detail showing how much worse the reality was to the vague sketches we had read up to this point.

At the very top she said, "For a period of approximately four months between September and December 2018, I experienced a consistent and sustained effort by many people within the government to seek to politically interfere in the exercise of prosecutorial discretion in my role as the attorney general of Canada in an inappropriate effort to secure a deferred prosecution agreement (DPA) with SNC-Lavalin."  And then it went downhill from there.  (You can read her full opening statement here.)

What's clear now, after Wilson-Raybould's testimony, is that many, many people in Trudeau's office tried to "find a solution" making SNC-Lavalin's corporate prosecution go away.  Putting pressure, through suggestion, half-concealed threats, sly references to jobs — those of Quebecers and maybe someone else's, if you catch my drift Jody — and then even the prime minister himself, in Wilson-Raybould's words, reminding her of his position as a Québec MP, and that SNC is an important employer, Jody, and you know how much Quebecers like jobs, Jody.

The former attorney general went through a series of her interactions and her staff's interactions with Trudeau, with his chief of staff Katie Telford, with his (former) principal secretary Gerald Butts, with the clerk of the privy council Michael Wernick, and on and on, and how each of them in their own way told her how important it was, in not quite so many words, that this whole SNC thing go away.

And what her hours of testimony lay bare is to what lengths this government works not for you, or I, but for the interests of all the big corporate forces politicians in this country have always looked out for.  That no matter what the law said, or what the prosecutors on the ground said or what the attorney general said, what was important — I'm making inferences here again — was winning seats.  Holding power, keeping the narrative intact, playing for Team Trudeau, was what was important.

She detailed one phone call, while she was not long for her post as justice minister, with the top bureaucrat, the supposedly non-partisan Michael Wernick.  He told her several times how important the jobs at SNC were, and how important the prime minister thought they were, and implied that her job was perhaps at stake if something couldn't be done to protect the company from a lengthy trial.

By the end of the day today, Trudeau found himself in Montreal, at a party for Rachel Bendayan's volunteers, nominally to thank them for their help getting her elected in this week's by-election.  He was more of a bring-down, lamely insisting his was the party of jobs and Canadians would make the right choice come October's election.  Nothing says party quite like questions in French and then English asking whether you think you should resign your job.

And lately, that's been his role.  The spoiler, the downer, the sad grump thrown in to ruin everyone's day.

But despite all this, is Scheer right?  Does the prime minister need to resign?  I'm not sure that's a question for me.  That's a question for Trudeau.

It's maybe time for him to have a really good think about just what it is he's doing in the office and why he wanted to do it in the first place.  Standing grim-faced in front of a bunch of downtrodden volunteers, while the MP just off a victory stands grinding her teeth at his side is probably not why he got into this.

So if I may, I'd like to fumble about in cliché for a moment.  Feb. 28, 1984 — likely today 35 years ago, when you're reading this — Trudeau père, took his mythical walk in the snow.  Pierre Trudeau would announce the next day that he was retiring, that he was done as prime minister.

But, that wasn't his first walk in the snow.  He'd made previous walks.  The one I want to focus on was in December 1979.  After losing an election to Joe Clark, and announcing he planned to resign, Trudeau decided he would stay on after all, and Clark's government fell before a leadership convention could be held.  (It was a different time.)

When Trudeau Sr. got up in front of the press the next day, after his walk in the frigid night, he was dull and somewhat listless.  But said something interesting, something his son echoed this Wednesday night.  He said the Liberal Party had "a vision of Canada which I feel is the correct and just vision of Canada."

Justin Trudeau tried to make a similar point Wednesday when he was asked for his thoughts on Scheer's call for him to resign.

"Canadians will have a very clear choice in a few months time about who they want to be prime minister of this country and what party they want to form government in the general election," Trudeau said.

He then went on to list the last few year's job creation and economic growth, and how those were thanks to his party.  Then contrasted that with the dastardly awful Conservatives, and the spectre of Stephen Harper.

He also had at one point either the gall or the obliviousness to talk about the Tories' polices as ones that "consider the best way to create economic growth is still to give advantages to the wealthiest."  Which, like, my dude.  What exactly do you think SNC-Lavalin getting out of a bribery trial with a fine and a wrist slap is, but an advantage for the wealthiest?

But back to my little historical diversion.  At one point, the since-retired Jeffery Simpson wrote* of the 70s how Trudeau Sr. "had read the press notices after his resignation and had not liked what he had seen: the general impression was of a man and a prime minister who had failed to fulfill the promise expected of him when he took office in 1968."

Sound familiar?

This government, here now in 2019, was formed around the idea that Trudeau was its core, its heart.  And they would govern from the heart out.  And by doing so, by putting Trudeau's good intentions, best wishes, sterling ethics, and love, at the centre of everything, they would do government better.  Differently.  For Canadians.

What Wilson-Raybould showed us was how diseased that heart has become.  How one company with enough leverage, and cachet, and brute lobbying muscle could get the whole engine of the executive to put not Canadians first, but an undeserving corporation.

Someone needs to take a long walk and figure out just why it is they're doing this.  Because if Trudeau's in this just for the likes of SNC-Lavalin, he may as well get out now and save us the trouble of wasting another four years.

***

*As quoted in John English's biography of Pierre Trudeau, Just Watch Me,p437.

Photo Credit: National Post

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


New Democrats are hoping that Jagmeet Singh's victory in the Burnaby-South by-election will be the game changer that they need.  Because looking at the other results in York-Simcoe and, even more so, in Outremont, the game needs changing.

Singh had to wait 164 days after the seat he was seeking became vacant to secure his election to the House of Commons.  That is 62 days more than Stephen Harper had to wait in 2002 for his own by-election.  In fact, on average, party leaders seeking a by-election only had to wait 70 days almost 100 days less than Jagmeet Singh had to wait.

Whatever games Justin Trudeau was playing by delaying this by-election, it didn't prevent Singh from winning his gamble.  But it did prevent Singh from gaining access to the national stage that is the House of Commons for longer than he should have.  It also somewhat prevented Singh from being a major part of the national political narrative, as he was focussed on winning in Burnaby-South.

While finishing a distant 3rd in York-Simcoe was neither surprising nor unexpected for the New Democrats, the results in Outremont were bitter-sweet to say the least.  Outremont was wrestled away from the Liberals in a by-election in 2007 by Tom Mulcair, then the newest recruit of Jack Layton.  The NDP went on the win Outremont again in 2008, making it its first seat ever won in a general election in Quebec.  This, in turn, paved the way for the 2011 Orange Wave.

Liberal cabinet ministers, Melanie Joly and Louis-Philippe Champagne leading the way, declared the results and the Liberal victory to mean that the Orange Wave was done.  Over.  Finished.  Leaving aside the fact that the Orange Wave happened on May 2nd 2011 and that everything after that was no longer a wave, it is quite remarkable to see the resurgence of the Liberal arrogance.  After a night where they lost 10 points in the two other ridings at play.

The truth is, with 26% of the vote share in Outremont, the NDP scored its best results in that riding in an election not contested by Tom Mulcair.  This is more than one voter out of four casting their vote for a party pronounced dead in Quebec time and again.  Not bad.  The NDP only needs a 7 point shift with the Liberals to take that riding back, a riding that was seen not that long ago as an unassailable Liberal fortress.

That said, while 26% is a much better result than the three previous by-elections held in Quebec since 2015 (where the NDP received an average of 9% support), it was still an 18 point drop for the NDP.  In the seat of their former leader, no less.  Not good.  No Quebec NDP MPs would survive that kind of drop in 2019.

Still, the Outremont by-election, which was always the Liberals to lose, is providing a glimmer of hope that the New Democrats can preserve their Quebec beachhead.  To do so will be a major challenge for NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh. 

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.