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For the past two years, the Conservatives have been building a false narrative around the state of the Canadian border, and the stream of asylum seekers crossing from the US to make a claim in Canada, and misleading people by conflating the refugee and asylum process with immigration.  When the RCMP made arrests on Thursday in Kingston last Thursday night on a national security matter, the Conservatives were quick to rush to the microphones to draw a link between the arrests and refugee screening in Canada never mind that we haven't had any cases of refugee claimants being involved in terrorism, and that the vast majority of terror-related incidents in Canada involved people born in Canada.  And yet, the Conservatives had persisted in creating this narrative in order to create a wedge with the Liberal government, facts be damned.

To be clear, there are issues with the way this government is handling the asylum seeker file, but those largely have to do with the way in which the Immigration and Refugee Board continues to be under-resourced and under-staffed.  Yes, the government did give them more money and yes, the IRB has found some efficiencies, but it's not enough to deal with the magnitude of the situation, and even if they did double their budget, it would take even more time to appoint new tribunal members and get them the capacity necessary to start clearing through the backlog of cases, but that is something that is absolutely fixable if they want to put the time and resources into it.  And to be fair, they have had success in stemming the flow of asylum claimants in various ways, such as going directly to the communities that were coming over the border like Haitians in the U.S. who were about to be deported and corrected misinformation that was being spread to them, and the numbers dropped off.  They were replaced by other claimants, this time from Nigeria who got tourist visas for the U.S., but again, they worked with the two governments and again the numbers dropped off, so you can't claim they haven't done anything.  Just not enough.

The Conservatives have meanwhile tried to pretend that there is a quick-fix to the issue of the Safe Third Country agreement at the border that allows these asylum claimants to make an inland claim outside of a regular border crossing.  In their estimation, Canada can unilaterally declare the entire length of the border to be an "official port of entry" for the purposes of that agreement in order for us to deny the ability to accept these claims, never mind that there would be no way to actually enforce this, or the fact that it would simply create a problem of would-be asylum seekers who don't end up registering with CBSA at an inland port of entry after they cross at more remote and dangerous locations, but why should facts matter when you're trying to build a narrative?

The other false narrative that they have been trying to build is that, somehow, these asylum seekers are taking resources away from economic immigrants.  This isn't a new narrative Jason Kenney would peddle it constantly when he was immigration minister, but no matter that it was debunked then, Kenney and the other Conservatives would keep promoting it.  The notion that refugee claimants and asylum seekers somehow keep "law-abiding" immigrants from coming in, or that they can somehow "jump the queue," has been used to try and turn immigrants against refugee claimants and asylum seekers for the sake of trying to gain political points.  It's entirely false there is no queue for refugees or asylum seekers, but a process that helps ensure that the most vulnerable are able to be given status in Canada, and it means ensuring that they have the documentary evidence to prove their claims something that the IRB needs better resources to deal with.  Immigrants are a separate process, with separate staff, and separate resources, even though they are housed in the same federal department.  Even at the IRB, the tribunal members who determine immigration appeals and refugee claims are separate.  One doesn't take away from the other, and yet they push this narrative to score points.

Which brings us to the other false notion that they are trying to push that the federal government resettling Syrian refugees and not sufficiently "securing" the American border has created a problem of would-be terrorists entering the country.  Never mind that there is absolutely no evidence of this, and even if, on the odd chance, that we did admit a radicalized extremist as part of refugee resettlement or someone who crossed the border irregularly and the vetting process upon registration didn't catch someone, the incidence is so low as to be almost statistically zero.  But again, this is where the facts don't matter for the service of the narrative, and that they can't present easy solutions to the problem of those who are born in Canada who become radicalized is inconvenient.  Instead, it's easier to present a false notion that we are somehow under siege and that the Liberal government is asleep at the switch and endangering the lives of Canadians.

It's not a stretch to note that this kind of rhetoric is Trumpian in nature, and has the same intended effect of using falsehoods to rile up low-information voters in order to try and make them angry enough to vote in certain ways.  We've seen it be used in Canada recently to stoke populist outrage that is being seen in the kinds of xenophobic language employed by followers of Rebel Media, and among the so-called "Yellow Vest" followers in some parts of the country, where anger over pipelines has been enmeshed with concerns over border security and conspiracy theories about the UN plotting a world government.  By stoking this kind of paranoia, Andrew Scheer and his Conservatives think that they can try and create a wedge that will attract voters to them with the promise of easy solutions that don't actually exist in the real world, apparently unaware that the anger they are fomenting doesn't easily dissipate when a new government doesn't have the magic wand they claimed to have.  It's a dangerous game they're playing, and it will have longer-term consequences than they think. 

Photo Credit: NPR

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Jason Kenney and Doug Ford don't have great approval ratings. But voters seem to favour their parties in Alberta and Ontario

An intriguing phenomenon is beginning to occur in our nation's politics.  Some Canadians seemed to be pleased with the policies of Conservative parties and are willing to vote for them in spite of some apprehension toward certain party leaders.

Here are two recent examples.

A Mainstreet Research poll released on Jan. 22 revealed that decided and leaning voters in Alberta favoured the United Conservative Party over the governing NDP by 52.3 to 27.8 per cent.

Yet UCP Leader Jason Kenney's positive impression among potential voters was only at 39.7 per cent, which is slightly ahead of NDP Premier Rachel Notley's approval rating of 36.9 per cent.

Another Mainstreet Research poll released on Jan. 29 showed that decided and leaning voters in Ontario favoured the Progressive Conservative government over the NDP by 41.4 to 27 per cent.  Yet Ontario PC Premier Doug Ford trailed NDP Leader Andrea Horwath by 34.9 to 29.5 per cent in terms of voter approval and he scored a 51 per cent unfavourable opinion less than seven months after taking office.

Putting aside the fact that both polls were conducted by the same company, this is a rather stunning juxtaposition.  The Alberta UCP and Ontario PCs would both form majority governments today in spite of less-than-popular leaders at the helm.

Is this a sign that some Canadians don't care for certain small "c" conservative political leaders, but like their small "c" conservative parties and ideas enough to vote for them?

Based on rudimentary evidence, the answer seems to be yes.  But while Kenney and Ford have right-leaning beliefs when it comes to reducing taxes and the size of government, and are opposed to the federal carbon tax, they're very different political leaders.

Kenney is a former president of the Canadian Taxpayers Federation.  He was a Reform/Canadian Alliance/Conservative MP from 1997 to 2015.  He held ministerial roles like national defence and citizenship, immigration and multiculturalism.  He was also the last leader of the Progressive Conservative Association of Alberta.

He's been able to promote conservative views and values effectively in ethnic and religious communities for decades, and has long been viewed as a true champion for fiscal and social conservatism.

Ford, a businessman who co-owns Deco Labels with his brother Randy, was a Toronto-based city councillor for one term (2010 to 2014).  He was a Toronto mayoral candidate in 2014 but lost to John Tory.  He planned to run again for mayor in 2018 before the wild series of events that brought down then-PC leader Patrick Brown last January hoisted him into this unexpected role in March, and got him elected as Ontario's 26th premier in June.

He effectively mixes populist themes with conservative principles and has devised a broad-based political agenda that works (sorry, but you knew it was coming) for the people.

Nevertheless, these two leaders both have the ability to evoke negative sentiments in their provinces.

Kenney is often linked with former Reform Party leader Preston Manning and former Tory prime minister Stephen Harper, which turns off the political left and, in some cases, moderate Alberta conservatives.

Ford is often associated with the political circus that involved his late brother, former Toronto mayor Rob Ford, which turns off the political left and some moderate Ontario conservatives.

Kenney and Ford are, therefore, seen as rigid political partisans by a significant number of Albertans and Ontarians, respectively.  They may not think, speak or act the same, but some people are more than willing to view them as two sides of the same political coin.

It's not a fair-minded point of view, to be sure.  Alas, it's part of the modern reality that Conservative leaders and parties face in Canada.

Photo Credit: Macleans

Troy Media columnist and political commentator Michael Taube was a speechwriter for former prime minister Stephen Harper.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.