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And so ends the depraved Faith Goldy campaign for Mayor of Toronto, and yet another sustained right-wing backfire draws to a close.

Conservative media has doused itself with a fresh coating of lighter fluid and set itself on fire yet again, because it's been, what, a whole few months since that last happened?  What passes for the movement is facing fresh side-eyes from everyone else for insufficiently denouncing her.  Federal Liberals are updating their spiderweb charts on walls, drawing ever-thickening lines between her and her enablers and Andrew Scheer and his staff.

You would hope that the light bulb would be flickering to life over the heads of at least some of the influencers and opinion leaders who are allegedly in charge of directing the opposition to Trudeau by this point, and that they would be finding ways to prevent spectacles such as what we've had to endure from the odious Ms. Goldy over the last too-long while.  You would hope they would look at her results after going full social media barnstorm and, using that FISCALLY CONSERVATIVE SOUND MONEY MANAGERS cred they give themselves, conclude that her sparkling 3% vote share was an abysmally poor rate of return on any investment, and be a bit more cautious with how they spend the social capital of each and every conservative in this country.

Yet it was apparent, in the endless winking at her, the excuses proffered for her behaviour, and in the testimonials that she was never this bad when she worked for Sun News, that whatever the mainstream thought of her hugely damaging write-off of a campaign privately, they sure weren't going to burn any bridges calling her out publicly because, don't you know, we're going to all need to be rowing our song sheets to the beat of the same drummer come 2019, or something.

There was a time, not so long ago, when I was wont to view Ms. Goldy with bemused contempt, and the campaign to silence her for fear of giving her oxygen in a similar way.  No longer, and I expect others feel the same way.  Through their own actions, these chuckleheaded wannabe populists who don't even have the courtesy to put an actual movement and organization behind them and instead believe that a tornado of "voter discontent" and their own hyperventilations on Twitter will land them in a better place from whence they started.

But you see, this is the root of the problem.  Faith Goldy's delusions of importing a true 'We The People' campaign into Canada was what undid her.  She believed that she could change the way things were done in this country without the explicit imprimatur of the mainstream party and local powerbrokers, which is what Doug Ford was canny enough to do.  Ford realizes that we inhabit a banana republic, where ancient families collude to exclude those with much more legitimate grievances than Faith could ever pretend to.

The day to day happenings in this country are indeed bananas (B-A-N-A-N-A-S!) and where such maddening fruits are not even allowed to ripen properly and be enjoyed ironically, for as the old commercial tells us, bananas don't do very well in a refrigerator-like environment.  That we are nevertheless a frozen banana republic is an eminently reasonable conclusion to be drawing from such dispiriting results as the election of Patrick Brown as Mayor of Brampton on the strength of an endorsement from the deathless Bill Davis, and the re-election of Tory himself on an utterly cynical program of promising all things to all people and allowing his handlers and young partisans to put their bodies and livelihoods in between him and all and any controversy.

So-called "true" conservatives, unable to accept this admittedly disgusting state of affairs and swallow candidates like John Tory or Scheer's feckless embrace of the dairy lobby, go so far as to embrace the likes of Francois Legault without understanding the first thing about what he represents or even the political context that shaped him.  But in throwing themselves at anything that looks even slightly like their ideals, they are the ones who are betraying their principles, and will wind up far more disappointed that any toe-r of the party line.

Photo Credit: Twitter

Written by Josh Lieblein

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


This past weekend marked the one-year point before the next planned federal election, presuming that the fixed election date is respected.  During an ensuing Twitter debate about ways in which the date could be changed, either through the prime minister advising an early election or by somehow advising for a later one given that the constitutional limit is five years between elections and not four, one fairly prominent political commentator insisted that fixed election dates were "more democratic."

Nonsense.

The received wisdom is that allowing a government to call an early election gives them too much power over the process, and that they can time an election to as to catch the opposition unaware or when they're not ready, and thus try to gain an unfair advantage, or to simply take advantage of favourable polls.  Fixed election dates, they insist, allow for opposition parties to plan and fundraise ahead of time, so it balances out the government's advantage of being in power when the date comes.  None of this is actually true, and instead what we get are governments that shift their incentives to the point where they backload their agendas, and campaigns that now last in excess of a year, necessitating bigger pre-writ budgets for even more advertising, much like the interminable campaigns we've come to expect south of the border.

To start with, fixed election dates don't really work well with our system of government, because it's one that's based on confidence rather than fixed election cycles.  Why this is important is because fixed election dates can work to undermine the principle of confidence, particularly in minority parliaments, when the people treat "early" elections as a threat to be avoided under the rubric that people are apparently so fatigued by the act of marking a ballot that they can't possibly do it more than once every four years.  Regardless of that fact, we need to remember that because we have largely avoided a fixed election date in this country, it has allowed us to go to the ballot box on significant issues, like free trade agreements.  By ensuring that we time elections to a calendar rather than to events, it has a means of reducing the ways in which governments can go to the people over the pressing matters of the day.

Of course, a government still could under the current fixed election date legislation, since the statute can't actually bind the Governor General in her exercise of her reserve powers.  As has been demonstrated during the Harper era, when he advised an early dissolution in 2008 despite his own government having passed the fixed election date law, the law is merely symbolic (a fact that was backed up by the courts when Democracy Watch attempted to litigate the matter), but it carries moral weight on the part of the media and adherents to the notion that fixed election dates are good things.  As such, it has the power to derail an election called to address a matter deemed important enough for public consultation.

When it comes to the notion that governments can conveniently time elections early in order to capitalize on good polls, that's also something of a myth that has been disproven by history, perhaps most famously when Ontario premier David Peterson went to the polls early and was resoundingly defeated, including in his own seat, because the lack of a defining issue had the electorate (quite correctly) assuming that he cynically called an early election to take advantage of good polls and to get it out of the way before the economic downturn got much worse.  The other oft-cited example was when Jean Chrétien called a snap election shortly after Stockwell Day was made leader of the Canadian Alliance, but that forgets that Day both dared Chrétien to make the call, and that Day's shortcomings as party leader soon exploded in a party schism that eventually led to the formation of the modern-day Conservative Party.  In other words, the loss gives Chrétien a little too much credit for the early election call.

Something else that has metastasized as a result of the fixed election dates are party leadership campaigns that have gone from a couple of months, to ones over this current electoral cycle that were between a year and 18-months long.  Because those parties didn't have to worry about an election that could come at any point, they dragged out their leadership processes, which exacerbated their corrosive effect on our democratic system.  Such a lengthy process, that results in a separate electoral process for a party leader that garners thousands of votes to provide a false "democratic legitimacy" that obliterates accountability within the party, has not only effectively paralyzed parties through the duration, which hurts the practice of Responsible Government and holding government to account, but in some cases like we're seeing with the NDP currently it means that they've allowed their fundraising and readiness to lapse, which hurts them in the longer term.

I would also add that we're seeing this effect around the artificial four-year election cycle that has riding associations hobbled, having gone from being able to run open nomination races during the unpredictable calls, to being barely able to run them in a fixed election cycle without having to rely on protected nominations for incumbents something which was distasteful enough when they needed to be ready for an election at any moment during the minority years, but is especially offensive during the fixed cycle.

For any observers of the current government, it should also become perfectly obvious that they've backloaded their agenda to such an extent that there were few early wins, and we can expect the rollout out any number of spending promises and goodies for voters the closer we get to the fixed election date.  After all, they need to be reminded about why they need to vote for this government again.  It hasn't made the system more democratic, but it simply let governments shift to different incentives for voters to return them.  Different calculations and machinations aren't necessarily better ones, but proponents for a more Americanized system seem to forget this, to our collective detriment.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


The Ministers was sworn-in last Thursday and the CAQ government of François Legault will not waste any time to be in full swing.

No one was surprised to see Legault, a former businessman, showcase other businessmen in the key economic portfolios of his government.  Ã‰ric Girard, a former National Bank executive, was given the keys to the province's Finances.  Pierre Fitzgibbon, a former partner at Walter Capitals, will be in charge of the Economy.  Christian Dubé was Vice-President at Quebec's Caisse de dépôt et placement, the government's investment arm and will now preside over the Treasury Board.  Of the three, Dubé is the only one with political experience, having won two elections under the CAQ banner in 2012 and 2014 but resigning a few months into his second mandate to go the CDPQ.

Political experience is not rampant in the CAQ's ranks, let alone Ministerial experience.  Other than Legault himself, who served as Education Minister for Lucien Bouchard and Health Minister under Bernard Landry, only two other CAQ MNAs have served as ministers:  Marguerite Blais, Seniors' Minister under Jean Charest's Liberals; and Jean-François Simard, a former Delegate Minister for Environment and Water in the Landry government.

Of the two, only Blais made it into cabinet, as Minister Responsible for Seniors and Caregivers.  It was surprising to see Simard excluded, especially considering he also served as Legault's Parliamentary Assistant in a PQ government.

Other governments have demonstrated that experience was not absolutely essential to success.  But the learning curve will be steep for many.  Which might explain why Premier Legault confided the most delicate issue in the immediate future of his government to an MNA who has demonstrated his political skills during the last legislature: Simon Jolin-Barrette.

He might be only 31, but Jolin-Barrette has shown himself to be very calm and very measured.  He is the new Minister of Immigration, which won't be an easy file considering the CAQ's pledge to drastically reduce the number of newcomers Quebec will allow.  He is also in charge of implementing the CAQ's vision on secularism, which sends another wrong signal: the religious symbols the State must get rid of are just those belonging to certain immigrant immigrant groups.  Jolin-Barrette may insist that they are completely separate issues, but many communities are worried.  That sentiment is compounded by Legault's insistence that the crucifix must remain in the National Assembly and the Tribunals.

For the first time in over 50 years, a Quebec government is neither Péquiste nor Liberal.  History has been made already.  And if Legault is able to implement his agenda to the fullest, Quebec will not be the same in just a few years.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.