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"When we got into office," JFK once said, "the thing that surprised me most was to find that things were just as bad as we'd been saying they were."  Doug Ford and company seem to be having the same problem.  So at the risk of seeming naïve, I say it's never too late to do the right thing, namely speak the truth and fix the problem.

I've never thought Kennedy's quip honourable or even witty.  If he didn't think those things were true he shouldn't have said them.  And as a Congressperson and Senator for 13 years before running for president, he should have had some idea what was going on.

Ditto the Ontario Tories, now standing about slack-jawed in astonishment that the Liberals they called lying, book-cooking, incompetent big spenders were lying, book-cooking, incompetent big spenders.  And looking especially stupid because they based their plans for balancing the books without pain on the same Liberal numbers they rubbished on the campaign trail.

There is a lot of sound and fury in public affairs that tends to obscure simple truths.  And modern government budgets are singularly impenetrable by reason of their inherent complexity and also Sir Humphrey Appleby's aphorism that if nobody knows what you're doing, then nobody knows what you're doing wrong.  But in this case it simply wasn't true.

As new Tory Finance Minister Vic Fedeli just pointed out, the Ontario Auditor General had used "words like 'conceal', 'bogus', 'deceptive' and 'unreliable'" for the Liberal administration's power system financial plans, part of the reason the $6.7 billion deficit the Liberals confessed to in 2018 was more like $15 billion.  But when Fedeli called it "a crippling hidden deficit that is only now being brought to light" he was digging the hole deeper because everybody knew about it including him.

For years I've been making presentations noting the scary discrepancy between Ontario's official "deficit" and the publicly-stated growth in its debt.  And while I may have spent years saying things people did not dispute only because they never noticed me saying them (like "Toronto should be a separate province"), the Tories were all over this one.  When the Auditor General uttered her stinging language before the 2018 election, and sent a formal protest letter in October 2016 about the Ontario government's pension accounting, the Tories seized on her words to berate the Wynne administration, including then-finance critic V. Fedeli.

Two of the tiny band of Liberals remaining at Queen's Park, their interim leader and finance critic, had the gall to razz Fedeli for "pretending to be shocked by something he has known for a long time", namely that they were fiscal liars.  But it takes almost as much gall, and arguably less wit, to put forward platforms, from Patrick Brown's "People's Guarantee" to the loose collection of sticks on which Doug Ford stood for office, using Liberal numbers they knew were fake as a foundation to… wait for it… promise billions in new spending, tax cuts and a balanced budget.

Perhaps the Tories calculated that telling voters the truth would cause them to flee.  One National Post article noted their failure to seek "a Mike Harris-style slash-and-burn mandate" and you can see how, as phrased, it might lack electoral appeal.  But as with Ralph Klein, restraint under Harris was more deplored than experienced.  In his first budget spending was $56.6 billion; in his last, seven years later, $73.8 billion.  Some slash.  Some burn.

Indeed, that Post article observed, cutting $15 billion from the budget wouldn't even take Ontario back down to what it was spending in 2016.  Yet to get there from here is almost impossible given the structural dynamics of government budgets and the citizens' resistance to any reductions in public spending, especially ones they were not warned of.

Here is where the Tories start to look like fools as well as knaves.  They must now either spend Ontario into bankruptcy or make dramatic cuts, both of which they promised to avoid.  Because they were afraid to tell the whole truth about the mess, or even think very hard about it, they lack a mandate to deal firmly with it.

It's too late to go back and run a different campaign.  But they can still stand up and say folks, government in Ontario is too big so it needs to get smaller.  It's doing too many things and doing most of them badly.  You think cuts will hurt and some will in the short run.  But we'll all be a lot better off down the road, and the sooner we start the sooner we'll get there.

Such a statement would cause them political trouble and it would serve them right.  But it beats standing there like dopes going I can't believe things are as bad as we said.

Photo Credit: Jeff Burney, Loonie Politics

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


 

In 2017, the world watched as a celebrated woman was thrust into a role as the public face of an institution that has stood firm for over a thousand years.  It didn't take long before she began to chafe at the expectations and rules imposed upon her, seemingly wishing she could break free of it all and think and act for herself again.  The aged men tasked with advising her started to look like rivals, treating her as a pawn who could simply not get along without them.  In the end, witnesses found themselves asking if her position, the most prestigious in the land, was ever worth dreaming of.

I am speaking, of course, of Queen Elizabeth II, as depicted in Netflix's The Crown.  But here's the difference between her and Governor General Julie Payette: Unless she wanted to give the United Kingdom another boy king and she still doesn't the Queen didn't have a choice.  Payette did.

After an explosive National Post account of Payette's first-year struggles at Rideau Hall, reactions have tended toward sympathy for the beleaguered ex-astronaut.  Andrew Coyne, again in the Postblamed Prime Minister Justin Trudeau for her appointment: "The appointment is in many ways typical of the Trudeau Liberals, in its devotion to style over substance, to ticking identity boxes — a woman, young, francophone, etc. — over fitness for the job."  Andrew Cohen in the Ottawa Citizen focused his frustration toward "the tiresome crowd of monarchists, harpies and fussbudgets who become apoplectic when she wears the wrong decoration or asserts herself on science."  In the Edmonton Journal, Tristin Hopper assured Payette that she was not alone, rattling off a list of previous Governors General who came to loathe their "gilded prison."

None of them are wrong.  Acting as the Queen's representative in Canada necessarily entails carrying out very similar activities to those of Her Majesty: cutting ribbons, awarding medals, patronizing charities, listening to ugly schoolchildren perform patriotic standards, and (I like to imagine) depending on disapproving men with glorious moustaches to guide one's hand.  It is a job best suited for people like Payette's predecessor, David Johnston, a career Ottawa insider renowned for being principled, humble, and perfectly boring.

All of this is well-known.  So what prompted Payette to agree to become Governor General, despite the obvious constraints on her ability to set her own schedule and get involved in causes she found personally appealing?  One likely answer is that she felt compelled to serve in whichever capacity the Prime Minister asked of her.  But to succeed in the position, or even survive, one's sense of duty needs to last much longer than the initial ask.

Another possibility is that Payette didn't understand the psychological impact the job would have on her.  To believe this, you would have to believe simultaneously that Payette, a veteran of a field requiring more planning, stress-testing, and troubleshooting than any other, didn't bother to pick up a book or scour a few articles or ask practically anyone in Ottawa about what being Governor General is like.  There's also the chance that she did understand the impact and figured she could rise above it.  This would require a healthy dose of arrogance, which specific complaints against her refusing to grant Royal Assent to a bill because of a scheduling conflict, seeking deeper involvement in Order of Canada selections, skipping out on Governor General's Medals ceremonies without any explanation would suggest is at least within the realm of possibility.

And yet . . . she's staying. Even though her reputation as Governor General is perhaps irrevocably damaged, even though it would be no great shame for Trudeau to reassign her to be his science czar or head of the Canadian Space Agency, Payette is choosing to defend herself and reiterate her commitment to the job.  Anyone hoping for a British noble to carry on the great Commonwealth tradition of racking up offices for the sake of their own prestige will be disappointed.  Like the Queen, she's stiffening her upper lip and carrying on, but inspiring little confidence that her own conduct will improve much.

If Payette has any true belief in the institution she represents, she will accept her lack of necessity within it and give way for a Governor General who actually wants to be there.  We may end up with a large-eared, gardening-obsessed buffoon, but, assuming Trudeau thinks beyond box-checking, at least he'll know what he's getting into.

Written by Jess Morgan

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.