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Imagine if one day your neighbour brought home a ferocious-looking pit bull and, after noting your anxiety, tried to reassure you by saying  "Don't worry; Fido is harmless … unless he gets angry, then he'll rip your arm off."

That'd make you and your other neighbours a bit nervous, right?

Well, I'm pretty sure that's how Conservative Party leader Andrew Scheer feels about the right-wing attack dog, Rebel Media, since, after all, this snarling and snapping advocacy group could potentially take a bite out of his support.

If you haven't heard of it, Rebel Media is a hard-core conservative, social media/activist organization founded and run by famous right-wing, rabble-rousing firebrand, Ezra Levant.

Usually awash in some sort of controversy, Rebel Media is known for waging a tough, take-no-prisoners, internet-based, brand of strident conservative advocacy, in which it pushes all sorts of political and social "hot buttons" with reckless abandon.

Levant's targets typically include, left-wing politicians (especially Prime Minister Justin Trudeau) the "mainstream media" (especially the CBC) and environmentalists (especially Environment Minister Catherine "Climate Barbie" McKenna.)

Now at this point, you're probably wondering why the Conservative Party and Rebel Media aren't the best of friends.

Certainly, they share the same enemies, they share the same ideology (more or less) and they share many of the same donors.

Yet despite all that apparent common ground the Conservatives have actually gone out of their way to distance themselves from Rebel Media.

Scheer, for instance, refuses to do interviews with Rebel Media and recently his party banned the group from covering the Conservative convention in Halifax.

A snubbed Levant, predictably, has lashed back at Scheer, suggesting the Conservative leader is weakly "pandering to the left-wing media" (which is probably the worst insult you can throw at a conservative politician.)

So what's going on here?  Why can't the Conservatives at least tolerate Levant's right-wing antics and why can't Levant at least refrain from openly bashing Scheer?

Well the answer is actually simple: even though the Conservative Party and Rebel Media have similarities, they also have fundamentally different goals the Conservatives want to win the next election; Rebel Media wants to push ideas.

To win the next election, Scheer's endgame is to make the Conservative Party appear moderate and reasonable, hence he wants to take the "edge" off conservatism; Levant, on the other hand, is determined to use his voice to propagate a version of conservatism that's uncompromised, unapologetic and drenched in fiery populist rhetoric.

And those different goals have put Levant and Scheer on a collision course, with each believing the other is giving conservatism a bad name.

This is why Scheer is giving Rebel Media the cold shoulder; he wants to show the country and (more accurately) the media that his brand conservatism is different than Levant's.

The problem for Scheer, however, is that no matter how cold his shoulder might get,  Levant's provocative ideological rampages (which Scheer can't control) will continually undermine the Conservative Party's "moderation" strategy.

That's because, rightly or wrongly, the Liberals, helped along by their loyal allies in the media, will keep lumping Rebel Media and the Conservative Party in the same ideological basket, loudly proclaiming that Scheer and Levant are conservative birds of a feather.

As a matter of fact, we saw a blatant example of this recently when the Globe and Mail  actually ran a news story reporting on how Scheer's campaign manager, Hamish Marshall, (who once worked for Rebel Media) was spotted having a conversation with a few of Levant's employees in a public place.

So yeah, the media definitely believes in guilt by association.

And from Levant's point of view, he has every incentive to keep flogging undiluted conservatism, since catering to rabid ideologues with emotional appeals is a wonderful way to raise donations

He even has a financial inducement to keep taking shots at Scheer and the Conservative Party; it's a great fundraising pitch to say something like, "Instead of giving money to a fake conservative like Scheer, donate to the true conservative voice of Rebel Media".

Of course, there's nothing new about any of this.  Political advocacy groups often don't get along with their political party counter-parts.

Indeed, many years ago when I worked for an aggressive conservative advocacy group called the National Citizens Coalition, we often publicly battled Preston Manning, Joe Clark and Brian Mulroney.

And needless to say that didn't win us many friends in party establishments.

But that didn't bother me when I was at the NCC, and I suspect today's Conservative acrimony, doesn't really bother Levant.

That's just the way it is with political pit bulls; if they have to, they'll rip off an arm.

Photo Credit: Youtube

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Last week, prime minister Justin Trudeau finally released the mandate letters for his new ministers, weeks after they were appointed, and they left me with more questions than I had before I read them.  In particular, I am left with a great many questions about how these new ministers are supposed to operate within our Westminster framework of ministerial responsibility that is, being responsible to parliament for the conduct of their departments.  If most of these new ministers don't actually have departments of their own, just who are they responsible for when things go wrong?

What quickly becomes apparent when reading these mandate letters is how much they are cross-disciplinary, and more to the point, most of them don't have line departments that they are necessarily responsible for.  Some of the replacement ministers for line departments such as fisheries, infrastructure, or natural resources all have aspects of their mandate letters that detail which other ministers they should be coordinating with when it comes to implementing certain programs or goals.  To a certain extent, some of this is natural in this era of increasingly complex files and more horizontal governance.

Political scientist Donald Savoie has noted that the increasing horizontalization of power known sometimes as "whole of government" makes locating power increasingly difficult, and given this particular government's abundant use of "whole of government" slogans to many of its programs, it makes what Savoie noted in his book Power: Where Is It? salient to what is happening with this shuffle and the resulting mandate letters:

"Call it what you will horizontality in Canada, joined-up government in Britain, or collaborative government in the United States the objective is the same: to promote an interdepartmental perspective to deal with increasingly complex policy issues."

And we see a lot of that with the letters, but where it's most prevalent are with the new departments created out of this last shuffle, primarily borders security and organized crime reduction, small business and export promotion, and seniors.

Small business and export promotion, led by rookie MP and now minister Mary Ng, tasks her with leading work on export mobilization with the support of the minister of international trade diversification, and to support said minister on trade strategy with small and medium-sized enterprises, as well as working with the ministers of labour and innovation, science and economic development (ISED), finance, Treasury Board, and heritage on various other files.  While it's likely that Ng's own work is largely centred under ISED under the small business office that was located there (with its tourism side now split off and given to Mélanie Joly for her to take on along with official languages and responsibility for La Francophonie).  But how does she answer to parliament on behalf of a department for these aspects of her job that are cross-departmental?  When Public Accounts or another committee wants to call in the department to answer questions about their programming, does she become responsible for more than one line department in how they implement their programs if they're spread over more than one ministry?

Likewise, with the new seniors ministry. Filomena Tassi's first priority is described as "Lead work within Employment and Social Development Canada on seniors programming, including the New Horizons for Seniors Program and benefiting from the work of the National Seniors Council.  You will also support work across the government with Ministers on initiatives that impact seniors."  But she also has to support the ministers of finance, ISED, labour, health, justice, and public safety for various programs that she's being asked to implement.  One presumes that she'll be located within the ESDC department, but her work touches on any other department that has a seniors' component, so where does the accountability lie?

The biggest question remains with Bill Blair, the Minister of Looking Tough on Stuff err, "Border Security and Organized Crime Reduction," which is basically a minister without portfolio.  The mandate letter showed him as not having any responsibility for CBSA, the RCMP, or Immigration and Citizenship.  Instead, he has particular responsibilities and files that he is either leading or supporting for the ministers of public safety, immigration, foreign affairs, transport, health, and justice, and he retains the legal cannabis file along with dealing with the opioid crisis, pre-clearance for travel with the US, gun control, organized crime and gang violence on top of the irregular migrant file that isn't really a crisis, but this government is sure trying to make it look like there is one by assigning Blair to the file.

So who does Blair answer for when he stands up in the House of Commons, or when he is called before committee?  He's not actually responsible for a line department, so what does this mean for the practice of accountability within a Westminster, responsible government framework?  Which ministry does he hold sway over?  And this is where things get tricky, because when you start having more than one minister who has responsibility, then bureaucrats can start playing them off of one another, and that's where I would have some serious concerns.

More than anything, these new marching orders make me wonder where things are headed in Canada, where we went from a ministry of one under Stephen Harper, and increasing centralization under both the Privy Council Office and PMO, to one where Trudeau's cabinet government seems to go in the opposite direction of diffusing power to such an extent that it becomes largely intangible.  The question then becomes whether this diffusion is a certain amount of smoke and mirrors that masks the ongoing centralization of power that simply wears a new guise, or whether this is an exercise in horizontality that has made the location of power and the exercise of accountability to be so nebulous that it is virtually impossible to be meaningful.  And while ultimately, leadership dynamics in our bastardized system will still rest ultimate accountability with Trudeau and his office, the fog in the layers of hierarchy below him make for a troubling new dynamic in how power is distributed and exercised in our system of government.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.