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Rachel Notley and Jagmeet Singh's current public slanging match over the Trans Mountain Pipeline is music to the ears of their political opponents.  Both Alberta and federal NDP leaders face election contests within the next year and the position they find themselves in now, locked in combat on energy policy, is diverting their focus away from those campaigns.

The controversy underlines the longtime rift on the Canadian political scene generated by the energy sector, a revenue-generating juggernaut with a regional base.  It also highlights a growing fundamental tension in the national political discourse between jobs and the environment.

Of course, the NDP's current civil war is not an unprecedented conflict.

In the early 1980s Alberta Liberals took pains to distance themselves from the Pierre Trudeau Liberals, responsible for the Alberta-vote-killing National Energy Program.  Alberta Liberal leaders regularly proclaimed that the federal and provincial parties were entirely separate entities.

Alberta felt put upon by the NEP, designed to cushion the manufacturing centre of the country from high energy prices but perceived as an affront to Alberta for interfering in the province's premier industry.  The hatred of the Trudeau policy reverberated for decades, blocking the Liberals federally from any large seat breakthrough in Alberta and damaging the provincial party's fortunes.

No doubt Notley's party remembers the lesson.  The debate playing out now is different in specifics.  The NDP is in opposition federally and playing from a weak hand.  But the roiling sentiments remain.

Notley, desperate to shore up Alberta's fragile recovery after a brutal downturn in 2015 and 2016, must have the Trans Mountain Pipeline to give her the economic coin she needs in the coming spring election.

Singh has chosen to throw his lot all in with anti-pipeline forces in B.C. by choosing to run in the Burnaby by-election.  It's a pointed affront to Notley for him to run in ground zero of the Trans Mountain protests, so far from his natural southern Ontario power base.

And his stand against the pipeline is escalating.  He flat out argues Canada shouldn't be shelling out public money for a "65-year-old leaky" pipeline.  To add insult to injury last week he tossed off a remark during the Canada-Saudi confrontation that Canada should stop importing oil from Saudi Arabia and import from other nations as an alternative, skipping right over the possibility of using more domestic Alberta oil.

Notley responded with a disbelieving sneer.  "It struck me that that was a thing that maybe he should have thought through before he said it," she said in an interview with Edmonton Journal columnist Graham Thomson.

In the same interview Notley went straight to the heart of the matter: "I am a New Democrat that comes from the part of the party that understands that you don't bring about equality and fairness without focusing on jobs for regular working people," she said.

She went on to characterize a leader who would forget that as elitist.

Rather than leaving well-enough alone, Singh responded in an interview with the National Post.  "I know that Premier Notley's in a tough political fight.  But I've always felt and I believe that personal attacks are beneath her."

Alberta New Democrats are now facing Singh as a foe as well as the NDP B.C. government.  And this is all in the context of a party which has strong interlocking personal connections provincially and federally.

During the 2015 campaign and in the early months of government building, Notley's opponents made hay of how chummy the party is across borders.

Notley's first chief of staff after the election, Brian Topp, had previously been president of the federal NDP.  Subsequent chief of staff John Heaney had been a chief of staff to B.C. premier John Horgan.  The borders between provincial and federal NDP parties have been porous for decades, allowing political staff to freely shift from jurisdiction to jurisdiction.

But the environment in the Singh-Notley era is declining fast.  Is it frosty enough for the Alberta New Democrats to consider a more formal rift with their cousins in Ottawa?

In a 2017 year end interview with the Calgary Herald Notley was asked about provincial-federal New Democrat relations:

"The reality is there are many other issues on which we agree, and it is a very large party that spans the whole country with a lot of different sections with a lot of different views depending on the regions from which people come.  So that's the way it is," she said.

And the 'way it is' isn't doing any favours for either Alberta or the federal NDP at the moment.

Photo Credit: Huffington Post

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


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The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Strange days here in la belle province.

Premier Philippe Couillard announced last week the provincial election will get underway at the end of the month.  This will make the campaign stretch to its full, allowable length, without moving the fixed election date of Oct. 1.

That part is strategically sound — more on that in a second — but what happened this week is where things got weird.

The longest serving member of Quebec's National Assembly — as the legislature goes by in these parts — François Ouimet held a press conference Wednesday where he announced, through tears, he was not being allowed by the Quebec Liberal Party to run again in the seat he'd held for more than two decades.  The party wants to run someone else in his Montreal riding.  That's bad.

But, it gets worse.

"I will not hide the fact that the acts taken against me in the last days have been hurtful," Ouimet told the press, according to the Montreal Gazette.  "The agreement [to let me run again] was not respected, and that hurts.  I think I deserved better."

He went on to accuse Couillard of breaking his word.  Having a longtime party member saying the leader, who is also the premier, has lied to them is not great.

Maybe it will be worth it.  According to sources speaking to the Gazette, Ouimet will be replaced in the riding by Enrico Ciccone, a Montreal native and former NHL defenceman who finished his career with the Canadiens.  Everyone loves a former hockey player.

Anyway, it's a hell of a way to get a campaign rolling.

Couillard's Liberals are dragging in the polls.  They're behind François Legault's outsider party, the CAQ — pronounced, regrettably, "cack" — who might just be on the cusp of forming government for the first time in their party's history.

The trouble for Legault is despite his healthy lead in the polls, those are all pre-election polls.  People's interest in politics is lessened outside an election period.  Now Legault will have to face the citizens of the province inside the full glare of a campaign.

And here is the logic behind Couillard's decision to have a long campaign.  People are willing to consider a hypothetical CAQ government, but will they consider the reality of one?

We don't need to look that far into the past to see how things could go wrong.  In the 2015 federal election, Tom Mulcair and the NDP went in looking, if not the front runner, than an almost certain alternative to Stephen Harper and his Conservatives.

But the campaign was long enough that voters got a look at both Harper and Mulcair, and decided they'd go elsewhere.  I don't mean to spoil things here, but voters opted for the party that looked most hopeless at the start of the campaign, Justin Trudeau's Liberals.

So, perhaps casting in his head Legault as his very own Mulcair, Premier Couillard has opted to make the campaign as long as possible.  That he's likely cast himself as Trudeau in this scenario is perhaps incorrect — Couillard's Liberals are the second-place party — but it's not without merit.

Where Mulcair's polling lead (however fleeting) came at the expense of Liberal voters on the left, Legault's comes from the Parti Québecois.  The PQ are a party who are nominally separatist and, to overgeneralize some, a convenient place for francophones to park their vote.  For the last year or so, the PQ has been steadily bleeding support to the CAQ.

And that's perhaps the other interesting storyline going into this election: sovereignty—separatism, if you prefer — is so far not even on the table.  Which, if nothing else, is good for the province.  The threat of splitting off this province from the rest of the country has a nasty habit of overshadowing all the other issues facing Quebec to the point elections end up being pre-referendum referendums.

(If you're wondering how Quebec can end up being so filled with corruption, broken bridges, and all sorts of other problems, the rehashing of whether Quebec should be Canadian every few years is the one I'd point to.)

So, we're faced with something unique at the outset of this election.  A party that's never held power before has a realistic shot of forming government.  The central issue of Quebec politics, going back decades, has yet to rear its head.

But October is a long way away.  The writ hasn't been dropped yet, and if Ouimet's press conference is any guide, there's plenty of weird shit ahead.  More than most elections, this one is shaping up to be unpredictable.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.