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Building pipelines, especially in Canada, is a slow process.

Politics is a fast moving game.

With a spring 2019 Alberta election looming, the glacial progress on the Trans Mountain Pipeline expansion has become a matter of political perception.  The NDP government claims the legacy project, which will triple the Trans Mountain pipeline capacity and open up markets for oil sands oil, is taking its critical first steps.  The United Conservative Party opposition is countering that a construction timeline that won't see any pipe in the ground until 2019 and no specified completion date is a travesty.

So for Premier Rachel Notley, a summery photo op last week of the ground-breaking at a Trans Mountain storage yard on Enoch First Nation land was just the ticket to reinforce her sunny message.

Even federal Natural Resources Minister Amarjeet Sohi and Kinder Morgan Canada President Ian Anderson couldn't resist the opportunity to attend despite the relatively small announcement.  Enoch will get about 30 jobs and $6 million out of the storage yard.

But what better optics could there be: Actual shovels (wielded by politicians and dignitaries) in the ground and an Enoch Cree blessing ceremony to boot.

"The best way to sovereignty and true self-determination, for us, is through business," said Enoch Cree Nation Chief Billy Morin, who added each indigenous community has a right to its own stand on the pipeline.

Notley has a reputation as a consensus builder and this event had all the hallmarks, with business, Ottawa and First Nation participation.  It allowed her to underscore the nuance sometimes missed in the national discussion that there isn't a totally unified indigenous stand on the pipeline debate.

But hanging over the otherwise cheery ceremony is that looming election date.  The Trans Mountain still has an enormous way to go and the distance it has come so far is littered with controversy and unfinished court cases.

For UCP Leader Jason Kenney and his supporters, the deliberate pace dictated by regular construction work, including surveying and route preparation, plus those outstanding B.C. court challenges and environmental protests, looks like an advantage in the Alberta race to the polls.  The last thing Kenney wants is for Notley to have a photo op installing the first length of pipe scant weeks before Albertans go to the polls.

"Not an inch of pipe will be laid on TMX (Trans Mountain Expansion) this year and they don't even have a completion date.  This for a pipeline where construction was supposed to begin in Sept. 2017," was Kenney's Twitter comment after the Enoch event.

Kenney's chief tactic has been to attack the NDP's overly rosy statements on how much progress is underway, bringing up various government predictions on construction start dates and key benchmarks which have been missed.  For obvious reasons he has to walk a line which  avoids any suggestion he would rather, for political gain, not see progress on the Trans Mountain.

Instead he has launched a persistent volley of criticism not at his provincial opponent but at the Trudeau government.

The dynamic of Alberta politicians running two-pronged campaigns before elections, one on the provincial front and the other against a bullying federal foe, is nothing new.  Provincial-federal posturing is a regular occurrence in the west.  But Kenney's jump in 2016 from the federal to provincial political scene makes that tactic more convoluted.

The pipeline file, and its high stakes for all concerned, is a good case in point.

This week an acrimonious battle broke out on Twitter between Kenney and Sohi about which federal administration made the biggest hash out of the Trans Mountain approval: the Stephen Harper Tories or the Justin Trudeau Liberals.

The tit for tat Twitter battle just underscores a couple of political realities for both parties.  Kenney must find ways to justify his federal cabinet record whenever it appears to not jibe with Alberta provincial priorities.  Sohi, who represents the Edmonton Mill Woods constituency, also has an immense stake in the pipeline.  His recent shuffle in the Trudeau cabinet from infrastructure to natural resources was obviously in aid of shoring up the Liberals' tenuous hold on three seats in Alberta.  Sohi's job one is to navigate Ottawa's $4.5 billion purchase of Trans Mountain and ensure that progress on the expansion stays on track.

While other political issues may wax or wane before next spring, the question of which party has the ability to 'get 'er done' on the pipeline front is a dominant economic issue for Alberta voters.

And time is ticking down.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


If Ontario Premier Doug Ford knocks on your door in the next few weeks, no doubt grinning widely and flanked by two obsequious 20-something staffers, the first thing you should ask him is if there's another election on already.  When he says no, of course there isn't, ask to see proof that his door-to-door campaigning has been authorized by the Progressive Conservative association in your riding.  When he fails to produce it, you may then tell him that he has no legitimate excuse to interrupt your dinner and order him to leave.

I mean, that's what I would do.  But I once put a sign reading HERE THERE BE BALLOT-SPOILERS on my apartment door when there was an election on, so don't look to me as a model of behaviour.

The reason Ford promised to resume door-knocking in the GTA this week was to collect opinions of his plan to reduce the number of city councillors in Toronto from 47 to 25.  This is necessary, he says, to reduce "duplication" and "respect the taxpayer."  While some Opposition members and municipal politicians have accused Ford of abusing his power, he is actually taking advantage of the perfectly constitutional grip that Canada's provinces enjoy over Canada's cities not that he would be as inclined to avail himself of this grip if he actually believed in limited government.

If Ford insists on making such interferences, there are other ways he can fix Toronto from on high.  Reducing city council is fairly easy for voters to digest, which makes it all the more predictable of him.  But if he means it when he says this is the fault of the council for failing on housing, transit, infrastructure, and other policy matters, here's what else you can say when he pays you a visit:

"Yes, I believe in less government.  Abolish the LCBO monopoly."

This is one thing Ford might already wish to do, seeing as he has promised to break the institution's monopoly over cannabis and sell beer and wine in more private stores.  Both of these are good steps, but incomplete ones.  If he has more trust in the folks than his predecessor did, he should also open up hard liquor for private sale.

"Yes, I believe in less government. Re-empower the Ontario Municipal Board (OMB)."

If Ford truly thinks local governments are neglecting the needs of their own residents, he can cite no better example than last year's defanging of the OMB, which enables city councils to scuttle development projects for no better reason than that they cast shadows or include children.  The icing on the cake is that none other than Toronto Mayor John Tory as well as his highest-profile re-election opponent, former chief planner Jennifer Keesmaat both praised these reforms, at the risk of bringing badly-needed density to Toronto.  By taking veto power away from local councils, Ford can stand up for renters and prospective homebuyers and piss off those two.

"Yes, I believe in less government.  Cancel the cancellation of the basic income pilot."

The goal of a properly designed basic income scheme is to provide a single, direct form of social assistance to the poor, which includes the working poor, instead of a patchwork of targeted assistance programs, each requiring a new application form.  Instead of letting the pilot project take its course so they can have enough data to identify areas for improvement, the Ontario government decided to cancel it outright and replace it with . . . something else.  In 100 days.  Unless that "something else" is a negative income tax, they will have forced the project's recipients to rely once again on the patchwork, without due regard for the forces that make becoming "independent contributors to the economy" more difficult.

"Yes, I believe in less government.  Never make any of those Ontario News Now videos again."

They're really bad.

"Yes, I believe in less government. Digitize stuff."

There is a magical place where citizens' can vote, pay parking tickets, access their medical histories, and do their taxes online, thanks to an ambitious project that now saves 2 percent of GDP.  That place is Estonia.  If a former Soviet state can do it without letting the initial price tag stop them, so can Ontario.

"You look like you comb your hair and eyebrows with urine."

Ford is a busy man.  You may never get the chance to directly insult him to his face again.  Don't let it pass you by.

Written by Jess Morgan

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.