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Here's a surprise.  Justin Trudeau shuffled his cabinet with an eye to next year's election.  The surprise is not allocating major executive branch posts with an eye to raw partisan advantage or that such conduct is taken for granted by pundits, and analyzed with an eye to its technical proficiency not its moral flaws.  It's that the next election is upon us so soon.

It seems just yesterday sunny ways were a novelty and the air full of promise.  Where did the time go?

Partly I speak in the usual dreary tones of adulthood; when we were young and carefree weeks seemed endless whereas now years flick by like highway poles, Boxcar Willie sighs.  But partly it's especially an issue in politics, where priorities are misplaced even by normal human standards.  I expect nobody is more amazed than the federal Liberals themselves that they'd barely cleared away the balloons from the victory party and it's time to go hammer in more lawn signs.

The smoothies who engage in politics, and we ghouls who lurch after them moaning commentary, infamously fixate on political tactics to the exclusion of policy.  Indeed, politics often resembles seduction in that the Casanovas courting voters are obsessed with what they hope to accomplish that night with literally no plan for the morning except an insincere kiss, a quick exit, and a follow-up call next time they're in the mood.

Thus young Justin's 2015 electoral platform was full of wine and roses about everything from electoral reform to a few stimulative deficits followed by a long relaxing balanced budget to harmonizing environmental and economic concerns.  It worked, partly on its and his merits and partly due to the political and policy failings of his adversaries.  But the Liberals were not so much insincere as daffy in promising all these things with no real idea how to deliver them, to the incongruous point of being simultaneously unable to spend allocated money on infrastructure or control the deficit.

Arguably the PM has always been daffy and always will be so it was entirely in character.  But his team, both those on the stump and those on the phone, contained many experienced political and even business figures.  And they too were not only unconcerned about making promises they had no idea whether they could keep or how during the election, they seem to have felt after they won that it didn't matter.

They made half-hearted attempts on some, punted others, kept a few and told fibs about how rapidly they were implementing their programme.  But there seemed no sense of urgency, let alone integrity, about the performance.  They appear to have felt, like parties across the spectrum and around the world, that the mere fact of winning in 2015 restored harmony to the cosmos, routed the forces of darkness permanently, and secured peace order and good government for the ages.  Like, again, the Don Juan whose whole ambition is to bed the girl (or boy) with no idea what a relationship is, why anyone would want one or what might be involved.

The politically obsessed also habitually take the view that victory by their opponents would, like Sauron recovering the One Ring, spell the end of all hopes and aspirations.  Hence the bizarre repeated insistence that this that or the other is the most important election of our generation or lifetime, although as elections differ in importance, some must be relatively unimportant, just as half of drivers must be below average.  And overheated rhetoric about Trudeau being a traitor who has ruined the country.  Or Wynne.  Or whoever.  Yet who now remembers why liberals reviled George Bush Sr. as the worst president ever?  (For the record, the worst American president ever was, and I think always will be, Andrew Johnson.)  In fact lots of bums, fools and frauds have won elections and only public acquiescence in the general drift of policy toward disaster gives their victories much significance.

So here the Trudeauites are, basking in the triumph of goodness over badness, common sense over ideology and federalism over separatism, having a leisurely nap, puttering about doing good and suddenly whoosh it's 2018 and they're facing the ghastly prospect of running for reelection in the most important campaign of our lifetimes… again.  And there's a smouldering pile of broken promises casting a rank pall over the land, and fresh-faced young opposition leaders promising fresh starts.  And all they can think of is to shuffle the cabinet, promoting some women, some minorities, some Quebeckers and, if there's a spare chair, somebody with relevant talent to implement policies they haven't yet thought of that won't be ready before next October.

Photo Credit: CTV News

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


 

For all the talk of what constitutes "un-Canadian" behaviour, the hunt for solutions to Canada's border security problem has produced a discourse so classically Canadian that Mike Myers could have written it.  The discussion slid into a morass of partisan immaturity and intergovernmental buck-passing with perfect ease, to a depth that offers little hope of extraction.  But if there's still hope in your heart that actual solutions can be forged, here's a guide to what not to say.

"This wouldn't be happening if not for Trudeau's tweet!"

We've all seen it.  It's still online.  But while there is a clear link between Prime Minister Justin Trudeau's #WelcomeToCanada tweet from January 27, 2017, and an increase in refugee enquiries, consider what else had happened that day: U.S. President Donald Trump issued an executive order to halt refugees from Syria indefinitely.

Is it hard to believe that, tweet or no tweet, current refugee claimants would run to the nearest other country, especially one which had a reputation for being friendlier to immigrants long before either Trudeau or Trump took office?  For better or worse, Canada is its own pull factor, and Trump had just provided claimants with the biggest possible push factor.

"The federal government has done nothing about this!"

Perhaps the most high-profile response from Ottawa so far has been to appoint former Toronto police chief Bill Blair as minister of border security, which looks like a typical Liberal Party illusion of action although they must view border security as a serious matter if they're creating a cabinet portfolio instead of a roundtable or task force.  Less publicized has been the hiring of 64 new claims adjudicators to the IRB, whom the government estimates will be able to process 17 thousand claims between them by March 2020.  This is not enough, given the aforementioned backlog of over 51 thousand, nor is it nothing.  But there are other matters that require their attention by which I mean their money which brings us to . . .

"Blah blah blah not Canadian!"

Last week, the government of Ontario, represented by Community and Social Services Minister Lisa MacLeod, refused to sign a joint communiqué coming out of a meeting of federal and provincial immigration ministers, citing a lack of financial assistance from Ottawa.  Given the present strain on local and provincial resources of housing and feeding asylum seekers, she has a valid point.  Instead of taking that point seriously, federal Immigration Minister Ahmed Hussen lamented that, in refusing to sign, the Ontario government was stoking "fear and division" against immigrants, which was "not Canadian."

Why he thought this was helpful is a mystery.  But if Ontario's lack of buy-in is such a problem, he should ask himself whether a communiqué or a funding package would generate more of it.

"Blah blah blah alt-right!"

The day after MacLeod and Hussen's split, Gerald Butts, Trudeau's chief advisor, took to Twitter to exhort Canadians not to "allow the alt-right to do here what they're doing elsewhere" that is, to stoke xenophobic sentiment that might in turn lead to harassment and/or physical violence.  Since this tweet linked back to Hussen's thread about the ministers' meeting, we are left to assume he was also concerned about the "fear and division" that the government of Ontario was allegedly promoting.

If MacLeod had spoken of "bad hombres" or "replacement," Butts would have an excuse to bring up the alt-right.  I hate to break this to him, but alt-righters get their information from the foulest, most ill-informed corners of the internet, and act on it regardless of this or that minister's rhetoric.  Figuring out where to house asylum seekers once university students move back into their dorms is the least of their concerns.

"Ahmed Hussen is a bully!"

As for MacLeod herself, instead of taking the opportunity following the minister's meeting to stress the need for more financial support from the feds, she sucked away the oxygen by accusing Hussen of calling her, specifically, un-Canadian.  She went on to snark that, despite the "feminist government" they serve, Hussen and Butts "sure are mean to women who don't agree with them."

Maybe she needs to hear this from another woman: Lisa, it's not about you.  Quit whining.

Photo Credit: Global News

Written by Jess Morgan

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


15 months away from the election, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau decided it was time to shake things up in his cabinet by shuffling some people around.

At the same time, he clearly wasn't about to admit that he had made mistakes in his previous cabinet choices or that Ministers had not performed well.  Despite the problems that plagued Bill Morneau early this year, the Finance Minister is here to stay.  The Phoenix fiasco is not enough to remove Carla Qualthrough since the Liberals are not to blame anyway.  His other senior ministers (McKenna at Environment, Goodale at Public Safety and Freeland at Foreign Affairs) have performed well enough under the circumstances.

There was one exception: Mélanie Joly, who bungled the Netflix file badly after having made a mess of the Canada 150th celebration on Parliament Hill, with interminable line-ups on Canada Day and a multi-million dollars hockey rink where you couldn't play hockey.  She couldn't defend her file and couldn't sell the government's initiatives.  Being demoted in Justin Trudeau's cabinet for lack of depth and substance is akin to former Guns N' Roses drummer Steven Adler being fired from the band for substance abuse.  Quite the feat.

The shuffle was more important than expected, but except for Joly, most of the moves for pre-existing ministers were lateral moves.  To shake things up without admitting mistakes were made, Trudeau had to call up five MPs to the front bench, now counting 35 ministers.

A few cosmetic changes here and there to signal the government's new intentions: Jim Carr goes from Natural Resources to become Minister of Diversification of international trade.  Before, you see, Canada's International Trade was not diversified.  But since NAFTA is in jeopardy, we must now diversify.

With conservative forces on the move provincially (Ford in Ontario, Legault leading in the polls in Quebec, Kenney the favorite to win in Alberta), Trudeau wisely decided that he shouldn't be the guy fighting with the provinces.  So he passed the puck to his old buddy Dominic LeBlanc, who will no doubt handle growing disputes with the provinces with that right amount of partisan vitriol he is so capable of.

The Liberal government has Ontario in its sights, first and foremost.  Nowhere else in Canada are the political parties so closely aligned with their federal cousins as they are in Ontario, both organically and organizationally.  The recent debacle of the Ontario Liberals in June's election is worrisome for Trudeau.  Especially considering that both Scheer's Conservatives and Singh's NDP are getting a bounce from their provincial cousins' performance.

The 905 will be the key battleground, which explains why three of the five new ministers appointed on Wednesday are from the area.  Trudeau's Liberals will take Doug Ford's government head on and assimilate their fight against Ford Nation to their fight against Andrew Scheer.

This couldn't have been more explicit than by the nomination of Ford's archnemesis and former Toronto Police chief Bill to head Border security and irregular immigration, a sticking point for the Ontario government.  Trudeau is not looking for appeasement.  Federal Liberals want this fight with the Ontario Conservatives because they serve as a bogeyman to counter Scheer's smiley brand of conservatism.  Hence the fight between federal Immigration Minister Ahmed Hussen and his Ontario counterpart Lisa McLeod.  Hence Bill Blair.  Hence Dominic Leblanc.

Sunny ways, my friends.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.