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Having pulled off end-zone runs first on his own party, and then on the voters in the recent election, Doug Ford appears to be pulling off the same trick three times this time by taking advantage of an utterly beleaguered opposition who still, Lord help them, don't appear to understand how he keeps winning.

Before and during the campaign, the Liberals myopically focused on exactly the wrong things.  Doug's grasp of policy.  His debate performance.  The whereabouts of his plan and whether he even had one or not.  For them, there were a series of norms and traditions that had to be scrupulously and rigidly followed, and since Doug wasn't following 'The Playbook', there was no possible world in which he could have become Premier.  Then, to make matters worse (or better, depending on your viewpoint) they took as a self-satisfied given that Canadians could never vote for someone as Trumpy as Doug.

So much for that worldview, which, to be fair, is to be expected from the Liberals.  But the NDP, now elevated to the status of Official Opposition, has no such reason to continue to be reasonable.

Let's take a look at some of Andrea Horwath's recent tweets as Doug Ford implements policies and changes that will lead to HARM and where PEOPLE WILL DIE and also be LESS SAFE besides, as per the more radically inclined social media warriors in the #Resistance:

"Mr. Ford has taken the side of scalper-bots — helping them to rip off and gouge everyday families who just want to check out a ball game, or take their kids to their first concert.  Mr. Ford's move to make Ontario's events more expensive is a step backward. #onpoli"  July 4th

"Have our children's classrooms already been hit by Ford's cuts?  Mr. Ford needs to explain why this summer's curriculum update work has been cancelled. #onpoli #ONTEd"- July 9th

Well, it's not exactly Samantha Bee calling Ivanka Trump a "feckless c*nt", is it?  One wonders whether the NDP leader would be so deferential to "Mr. Ford" were she not bound by the invisible shackles of tradition and convention.

Which begs the next question of who has decided that the NDP should continue to follow the same primrose path that led the Liberals to ruin, and which Doug Ford clearly has no intention of following, and why on earth they continue to stick up for Playbook Politics when its fatal limitations have been exposed.

One possible answer is that for all their commitments to social justice, the NDP is as full of it as the other two parties.  They are content to bilk their supporters for donations so that they can continue to keep the lights on while paying their staff starvation wages, and so those at the top can continue to skim off the cream, all while shamelessly stating that their marginally-more-socialist ideas are the one true pathway to revolution and equity.

Another is that the NDP, like the Conservatives in their more pathetic incarnations, has no actual desire to implement social democratic values or principles and simply exists as a club for people who don't like the Liberals and think that by repeating sanitized Canadian knockoff versions of popular left-leaning talking points, they will find a reason to justify their jealousy and hatred of the Natural Governing Party.

Or, it could be that the NDP has been consigned to the role of third party for so long that they've grown comfortable with playing the most beer-league of beer-league politics, where nothing they say or do actually matters, and they have no idea how to do anything else.

There is a fourth possibility, almost too dark to mention: That this world, where Doug Ford and other Trump-adjacents can break the rules with impunity, is the best possible world, and that no other, presumably fairer world is possible.  Under this system, pretending that traditions and norms are anything other than outdated methods of societal control would be silly.

The NDP's liberal inclination would never let them admit this, but ironically, it may be the only way to really and truly stop Doug.

Photo Credit: CBC News

Written by Josh Lieblein

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Over the past week, the official Senate website has begun republishing some op-eds by senators who've been pushing back against the suggestions by Government Leader in the Senate err, "government representative," Senator Peter Harder, and his vision of a more "independent" Senate, and in particular his vision that the Canadian Senate adopt a sort of Salisbury Convention like the House of Lords has.  While some of these responses are from the more partisan Conservative senators, at least one response is from two of the now-Independent champions of Senate reform, which makes for a fairly interesting response.

To refresh your memory, the Salisbury Convention posits that the House of Lords can't veto legislation that was part of the manifesto that the government ran on, and Harder had written an op-ed for Policy Options to claim that such a convention de facto existed in the Canadian Senate (it doesn't), and that he wasn't advocating for senators to be a rubber stamp, before outlining all of the ways in which he felt that senators should accede to the will of the government.  While it remains to be seen how many of the newer Independent senators will be swayed by Harder and his arguments, it's important to see that at least some of the established voices that have since turned Independent are disputing what Harder has been saying.

Some of the Conservative reaction has been predictable that this is all about crypto-control by the Prime Minister to ensure that there's a pliant Senate, which I'm fairly certain doesn't really reflect the reality, based on everything I've heard but they nevertheless make a few salient points that can't be dismissed out of concern for partisanship, as which happens so often.  For example, Senator Larry Smith noted in his op-ed that one of the primary obligations of the Senate is to hear from voices that may not have been heard by the House of Commons during their deliberations (which can happen more often than you think).

"Senators have an obligation to listen to the informed views of Canadians and not simply to follow the political agenda set by the Prime Minister's Office," Smith wrote, and he's absolutely correct.

Likewise, Senator David Wells' op-ed pushes back against Harder's contention that it's the Conservatives who are responsible for any delays of legislation in the Senate, and that they are taking a "wrecking ball" to the effectiveness of the Chamber when they don't have the majority of the votes.  And more to the point, Wells takes aim at Harder's assertion that Senate independence is a "government initiative" while simultaneously decrying Stephen Harper's "ownership" of the Senate during his government.  If the Senate is to be independent, it should be free of government interference and "initiatives."

"After 150 years of clearly rudderless operation, we are so pleased a member of Trudeau's transition team has set us on the right, independent (government-mandated) course," Wells wrote with obvious and well-deserved sarcasm.

But it's the response to Harder by Independent senators Stephen Greene and Paul Massicotte that drives the point home hardest.  Greene (formerly a Conservative) and Massicotte (formerly a Senate Liberal) have been leading the charge when it comes to the Senate reforming itself.  And while I don't necessarily agree with all of their ideas, I respect that they've been having this debate from the very start.

The Green and Massicotte op-ed takes particular issue with Harder's Salisbury contention, and challenges the proof that Harder brought to the table, as the former senators he quoted to make his case that there was already a de facto convention were far more specific in their points that the promises that senators shouldn't oppose needed to be a specific or key promise, which is problematic when the current government made over 100 promises in an 82-page document (some of which, it bears pointing out, they've already abandoned because they were stupid promises to begin with *cough*electoral reform*cough*).

They also point to other problems in Harder's piece that he wants to extend the 180-day suspensive veto on constitutional amendments to all legislation rather than the current absolute veto that the Senate enjoys on legislation, or that senators should run for office if they want to challenge policy positions of the elected government an absurd proposition that severely mischaracterises the goal of a less partisan Senate as one that shouldn't allow Senators to take policy positions, or which overestimates what a democratic mandate means in our system of government.

The Senate is supposed to offer a challenge function to the government, which Harder seems to have a problem with.  Challenge doesn't mean that they should routinely defeat government bills indeed, the Senate has largely had enough self-awareness to know that this wouldn't be tolerated on a regular basis, but should be reserved for fairly extreme circumstances, but not necessarily from the enumerated list that Harder laid out.  Challenge can mean greater focus on amendments to bills, which the government has signalled their openness to, but the "challenge" function shouldn't mean a few hours of debate with nothing behind it.  And that's what Harder seems to be offering, which is in line with his vision of the Senate as a debating society.

I'm hoping that because Greene and Massicotte have some gravitas within the Independent Senators Group, that this op-ed of theirs will encourage more of the Independent senators to question just what it is that Harder is saying.  I do fear that they may be one of the few voices that those senators will listen to, as few of them have experienced senate staffers in their offices because so many of them have eschewed experienced staff out of fear that they would be tainted by partisanship (which is also why Harder has rejected experienced staff in his own office something that has had a dramatically detrimental effect on the operation of the Chamber).  Harder's attempts to steer the Senate towards being a talking shop with a rubber stamp should be rejected loudly and forcefully.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.