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In the Globe and Mail this week, former Conservative Senator Hugh Segal praises the new "independent" Senate and worries about a future where it returns to its old partisan self.  While he makes a few salient points about the partisan nature of the body when he served in it, he also forgets a few of the reasons why there is still a need for some partisan senators, and he has an overly rose-coloured view of how things are operating right now, because not everything is running as smoothly as he seems to think.

For starters, we can't deny that there were problems under the Harper era, but this wasn't simply an issue of a partisan Senate per se.  We have to place things in context the number of Conservative senators had started dwindling dramatically as Mulroney-era appointees started aging out, and Paul Martin made some mischief when he appointed Progressive Conservative senators to spite the recently-created Conservative Party of Canada under Stephen Harper.  Some of those PC senators eventually joined the Conservative caucus, but their numbers were still perilously low for the work that needed to be done in the Senate.  When Harper formed government, he instituted a policy of not appointing Senators that had not been "elected" in a provincial process as Alberta had done well, except for Michael Fortier, who was appointed to Cabinet but given a Senate seat because they didn't have a seat in the Montreal area to put into Cabinet.

While Harper remained obstinate, only filling Alberta seats, the Conservative ranks in the Senate continued to dwindle, which created problems for the workload of those few remaining senators.  And then the 2008 prorogation crisis happened, and the threat of a possible coalition government who would fill those vacant seats (the notion of Elizabeth May being appointed to the Senate was frequently bandied about) finally forced Harper's hand.  He made the 18 appointments to fill those seats in one fell swoop (without proper vetting, as it turned out, and we can recall some of the problems with senators from that class).

Why this is important to remember when it comes to Segal's recollection of the bad old partisan years is because those 18 came in being told that they were to be whipped and were treated like backbench MPs.  There weren't enough existing Conservative senators who were able to mentor them in how the Senate should operate, and more importantly, mentor them in the degree of institutional independence that they were able to exert.  And this is why we had a class of senators who came in with such partisan vigour, and who were more than willing to do the bidding of the PMO.  This is important context that we shouldn't let Segal's trip down memory lane blur out.

When Justin Trudeau made the unilateral decision to kick his senators out of caucus, what he inadvertently did was remove the institutional memory from inside the caucus room, which is something that Segal omits from his particular recollections of the bad old partisan days as well.  This can't be underestimated, because the Senate is Parliament's corporate memory, and that is not only for the institution as a whole, but within the party caucuses themselves.  Canada's House of Commons has a high turnover rate in comparable Western democracies, and this makes the need for institutional memory all the more important especially since a PM without that memory in the caucus room can exert control he shouldn't because he doesn't have senators in the room telling him that he's overstepping his bounds.

Segal praises the number of amendments that were accepted to bills in the current parliament, and again, this is becoming a bit of a tired canard.  The reason that these amendments are being accepted now, as opposed to during the Harper era, is quite simply that Trudeau has signalled his being open to them, where Harper did not.  And we can't be too quick to think that Trudeau has been open to all amendments, because he hasn't.  The vast majority of amendments have come from the government to the sponsor of bills as technical fixes, and only in rare occasions have substantive amendments been accepted.  That's more context that we can't ignore in an attempt to be feel-good about how the current Senate is operating. We also can't ignore that some of those amendments could have been made sooner if senators suggested them in the caucus room with their MP colleagues.

Segal's praise extends to the "new operating processes in the Senate," which he proffers to Government Leader in the Senate err, "government representative" Senator Peter Harder, and co-ordinating team of the Independent Senators Group, Senators Yuen Pau Woo and Raymonde Saint-Germain.  And this is where Segal really starts to lose me.  Why?  Because it hasn't actually been running smoothly, despite the carefully crafted appearances to the contrary.  Harder refuses to do his job of negotiating with the various caucuses in the Senate because he sees horse-trading as "partisan" rather than as part of his job.  His staff was almost entirely inexperienced with the Senate because Harder viewed anyone with experienced as being tainted by partisanship.  And this inability to do the job of negotiating has led to a lot of the problems with bills not moving as quickly through the Senate as possible (not to mention the fact that it has been rising early at the end of each session with numerous bills still on the Order Paper when they could have been passed if they stayed the extra week or two to do the work).  And rather than looking to do something about doing his job, he instead wants to fob it off onto a business committee that would time allocate all Senate business.

While I understand Segal's desire to see the changes to the Senate carry forward, we have to keep what we think we're seeing in perspective.  There are things that are working with the "new" Senate and things that aren't, and it's reductive to say that it's simply the sublimated partisanship.  In fact, the Senate has proven to work best when there the three caucus groups in relatively equal number, but that balance is starting to slide away, and we could soon find ourselves careening for the worse as new senators, with a fresh sense of entitlement, start looking to change the rules.  There is a lot of history and context that needs to be front of mind, and we can't simply see things with rose-coloured glasses.


The parliamentary session came to an abrupt end last Wednesday in Ottawa, two days before schedule.  Imagine if kids had the same possibility to end school a couple of days early!  No matter, our elected parliamentarians are now on their way to their ridings to hit the BBQ circuit, enjoy rubber chicken and lay the groundwork for their re-election next year.

2018 has been difficult for Prime Minister Trudeau, so far.  His disastrous trip to India struck many Canadians as absurd and made cartoonists very happy, at home and across the globe.  The dress-up routine was embarrassing for Canadians and Indians alike and the trip culminated with a diplomatic incident where a convicted terrorist was invited by a Liberal to a reception in honour of Trudeau.  Justin Trudeau's image as an environmental champion also took a big hit here and abroad when the Federal government announced it was nationalizing the very controversial Trans Mountain pipeline, giving Kinder Morgan piles of cash in the process.  Add to that the Aga Khan controversy and Bill Morneau's troubles.

Worse, the PMO's strategy to become the Trump whisperers-in-chief badly and predictably backfired, as The Donald turned his guns on Canada by imposing significant tariffs.  Trudeau finally decided to respond firmly, to the applause of the opposition parties and premiers alike, and the country is uniting behind him.  Trudeau is earning praise right now and this trade war is advantageous for the PM on a short term horizon.  But in the long term, if the trade war persists or even escalates, Canadian jobs will be shed and voters may turn on Justin Trudeau.

Meanwhile, Andrew Scheer is slowly but surely building his team and following his plan towards 2019 and it is starting to pay off.  The Conservatives, after a strong win in Chicoutimi-Le Fjord, are on a bit of roll in Quebec and in the rest of the country.  Andrew Scheer has been consolidating his party as the main alternative to Justin Trudeau.  The Tory front bench is showing its experience in the House.

But if the Conservatives are often outpolling and outperforming the Liberals, it is far from clear that Scheer will waltz into 24 Sussex in 2019.  The fact is, Scheer still needs to make himself known to a majority of Canadians.  If the Tories are running neck-and-neck with the Liberals in the polls, it is not because there is a sudden Scheermania sweeping the country, but rather because the Liberal government has been dropping balls left and right.  But Canadians are still fond of Justin Trudeau, even as they grow a little tired of his antics and broken promises.  Conservatives would do well to remember that this fondness remains strong.  They must learn to stop hating Justin Trudeau, for their own sake.

On the left side, Jagmeet Singh has not been able to deliver messages that connect with Canadians.  The session was tough for the NDP leader and he knows there is a need for improvement.  At times, Singh was out of synch with his caucus on many issues, and he was called out by MPs on too many occasions.  The bidding war on who would be the staunchest defender of the #metoo movement led Singh to order not one, but two independent investigations on the behaviour of NDP MPs.

Internal grumblings are now spilling out of caucus, and at least two former MPs are calling for his resignation.  The fundraising numbers are dire and the complete collapse of the NDP vote in all the by-elections since 2015 does not bode well.  Singh says that everything is on the table to right the ship, and also adds that he will be leader in the 2019 election.  Key changes must be put in place quickly if the NDP wants to be ready for the 2019 election and compete for government.  Right now, the orange team is not seen as a serious contender and for the first time in the CCF-NDP history on the federal stage, a party leader could preside over a second consecutive electoral negative growth for the party.  Singh has a couple of months to figure it out.

Such is the scene, 15 months ahead of the writ drop.  But then again, anything could happen. 

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


When what passes for the conservative movement in this country does something abominably stupid, such as freak out about the cost of a swing set (ostensibly because the Liberals complained about a $16 glass of Conservative orange juice once upon a time?), I like to say that if there is a right-wing conspiracy in this country, then someone deserves their money back.

I say this because the left would have you believe that enormously profitable Canadian corporations are in league with conservative elected officials to screw over the little guy and enact a white supremacist agenda.

Then you look over at what the CPC is actually doing, and you see that they are putting together websites making fun of the PM's tendency to take personal days, using a joke that stopped being funny last decade.

I understand that a car full of clowns is scary for some people, but to the rest of us they're far too goofy to be considered a threat.  And so it is with the conservative movement in this country: If you're going to try to make the case that some secret injustice is being perpetrated by the right, you must absolutely provide evidence that the right is competent enough to organize and execute such a plan, even badly.

Bog-standard conservative yelling about wasted public dollars, even when that yelling plays fast and loose with actual facts, simply does not evoke associations with the Trump administration, and yet Chantal Hebert seems to be trying to do just that.

It is, of course, possible for a nominally conservative government to be threatening and ridiculous.  The actual Trump administration can preside over the ripping of children away from their parents and Twitter fights with late-night TV talk show hosts simultaneously.

But if anyone's doubling down on a fake-news narrative, it's got to be the left.  Not just because they are suggesting Scheer's evasions are tantamount to Trumpian falsehoods, but because they themselves are trying to push the narrative that Canada is being beset by an epidemic of falsehood, and that this not their own incompetence is the reason why Doug Ford won.

To ignore the fact that the Liberals ran an absolutely wretched campaign here in Ontario requires a level of intellectual dishonesty that I don't even think Trump himself would be capable of.  And yet, that's exactly what Liberal campaign manager David Herle did on the latest installment of his podcast, where he had the temerity to state (in public mind you) that "Kathleen Wynne offered a superior product to sell."

Yet as risible, and as typical, as Herle's failure to acknowledge his own failings is, it remains comparable to the distractory tactics of the CPC.  It is only when you consider the Liberal establishment's incompetence when it comes to dealing with the fake news problem and the other unsolved problems that fuel the anger of the Trumpets  that a clear distinction emerges.

The half-assed manner in which Kathleen Wynne attempted to call out Doug Ford.  Gerald Butts intervening on Twitter to shut down one single Catherine McKenna parody account after a Canadian quasi-celebrity was fooled by it.  Outsourcing the fact-checking of Canadian Facebook because we apparently aren't up to the task of doing so ourselves.  These are the solutions dreamed up by the West-Wing binge-watching blue checkmarks currently occupying the Trudeau PMO, to a problem that they told us was eating away at the fabric of our democracy.

Were Trudeau and his army of fact-checkers to actually rip those who are insufficiently verified away from their social media, and were they to actually follow the example of the Chinese basic dictatorship that they so admire, it would actually send the message that they were willing to back up their apocalyptic rhetoric with commensurate action.  But that would make it harder to fundraise off the threat of Conservative "negative and divisive politics", which is, not so coincidentally, the same sort of grift conservatives are frequently accused of.

The first person, or group of people, who can demonstrate that they can govern well, as opposed to just doing so in a way that meets fundraising targets, will find that they are the ones who are beating back the populist threat, and that's the realest news you'll hear all day.

Written by Josh Lieblein

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


 

Parliament's summer recess has begun, and with it comes the silly season in Canadian politics, described on Wikipedia as follows: "Issues raised during this period are likely to be forgotten by the election, so candidates may rely on frivolous political posturing and hyperbole to get media attention and raise money."  Don't tell me Wikipedia is an unreliable source.

Of all the reasons the Liberal government has given the Opposition to engage in "frivolous political posturing" this year, one of the most foreseeable has been their change to the Canada Summer Jobs program, requiring applicants to attest that their organization "respect[s] individual human rights," in particular women's reproductive rights.  While the government has insisted that this refers only to an organization's "core mandate," not the personal beliefs of its members, over 1,500 applicants have declined to check the box confirming their attestation, and subsequently have been rejected.  Even if they were never planning to hire anyone to wave blown-up photos of dismembered fetuses in anyone's face, they could not bring themselves to engage in what they view as "compelled speech."

In using the Canada Summer Jobs program to remind Canadians, again, that they are pro-choice and feminist, the Liberals have politicized what was previously just another slush fund, and they haven't done it well.  They have kept themselves wide open to questions about why this Islamic non-profit, whose director has called publicly for the "eradication" of Israel, is still eligible for funding, while the annual cherry festival in Bruno, Saskatchewan, is not.  Should the Liberals end up a one-term government next year, it will be no trouble for the incoming government either to remove the pro-choice attestation entirely, or add a few attestations of their own.  I expect the Tories have already written a sample paragraph requiring applicants to promise not to undermine Canada's strategic industries.

Yet amid the (justifiable) backlash over the attestation, all of Parliament has been operating on the assumption that the Canada Summer Jobs program itself is valuable.  After all, many small businesses depend on it to pay for summer hires, and we wouldn't want Sarnia Concrete Products Ltd. to miss out.  But when governments subsidize the salaries of full-time employees of major for-profit companies, we call it corporate welfare.  The only significant difference between the two types of subsidies is the word "corporate."  In both cases, the government assumes responsibility for directly creating jobs, and recipient companies come to expect it of them.

There's more room to expect government support in the non-profit world.  As of 2009, government funding accounted for one-fifth of non-profit revenues in the "core non-profit sector," which does not include hospitals and universities.  Specific programs, like Canada Summer Jobs, can make a decisive difference to smaller non-profits.  For want of $3,000 without having to toe the Liberal line, the Bangor Sawmill Museum in Meteghan River, Nova Scotia, now unable to hire a student guide for the summer, will be closed for the season, and possibly beyond it.

It's shameful for an organization to be forced to express a political point of view that has nothing to do with their purpose, whether they agree with it or not.  But if the Canada Summer Jobs program can be weaponized in this way, so can any of the many task-specific grants available to the non-profit sector.  Were the government, via a politically disinterested arm's-length board, to take a more efficient route and provide a single, reliable percentage of direct support subject to clearly defined standards of good conduct, such as not calling for anyone's eradication non-profits would have less need to make work for seasonal employees, and be free to spend the money as they see fit, on personnel or equipment or supplies.  They'd appreciate having fewer grant applications to fill out, itself enough work for one full-time hire.

As for young people by which I mean those who have not finished high school, although the feds will cover anyone between 15 and 30  improved school volunteer programs might be a better source of character-building.  Mandate volunteer hours on a per-year basis, not as a graduation requirement, to reduce the chance of procrastination.  Make sure every student receives a list of local organizations that need volunteers, so they don't have lack of information as an excuse.  The onus is on schools, to say nothing of parents and kids themselves, to make students helpful to the community.  It should be the last thing anyone asks a politician to do.

Photo Credit: National Post

Written by Jess Morgan

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Let's not sugar coat this: lies are quickly becoming common currency in Canadian political discourse, and very much from Andrew Scheer and the Conservatives since he became the party leader.  It's an incredibly distressing phenomenon, and it feels like a few people are only now starting to wake up to it, after it's already firmly taken root.

At first, it started out pretty small, and it felt like Scheer was trying to take us for idiots since all of his claims were fairly easily disproven.  But not enough people called out that Scheer and his MPs were peddling in lies or gross exaggerations at their most generous and the government would only respond with a spoonful of pabulum rather than correct the record.  It took Bill Morneau months to correct the fact that the Conservatives had so grossly distorted the personal corporation tax rule changes so as to be unrecognizable with what was going on, and by the time he did, it was too late.  The narrative had taken hold which is what the Conservatives are counting on.

Some of those lies have the barest hint of truth that they can point to, which makes some people squeamish when calling them out.  That "73 percent hike in small business taxes"?  Was on a very narrow group of high earners.  The "devastating" job losses recorded in April?  It was 1100 net jobs lost nationally, which didn't move the unemployment rate (which happens to be at a 40-year low).  The "$1100 in carbon taxes" that Nova Scotia seniors would be subjected to?  Might apply if they made $600,000 a year.  They can insist that they're not actually lying but lying with statistics or misapplying the context of figures is still lying.

The media, meanwhile, has been somewhat complicit in uncritically passing along these lies, partly because there is a hesitancy to defend the government it's supposed to be our jobs to hold government to account, after all, and some journalists are particularly allergic to holding the opposition to the same standards.  Others are keen to add some fuel to the fire, because there's a bit of a thrill if you can help take down a Cabinet minister in a bit of scandal, and hey, you're doing your bit to keep them accountable.  Assessing truth, however, should not be limited to side-eyeing government talking points, and as we've seen, not keeping all sides honest has given rise to a particular brazenness in Scheer and company, who have decided that because they got away with lying about the small stuff, they can start lying about the big stuff with impunity.  After all, no one called them out before, and they're still hesitant to call them out now.

In the past week, we finally have seen a few examples of journalists starting to call Scheer out on his particular brand of equine manure, but it's probably too little too late by this point especially if they're going to be diplomatic about it.

"Rounding corners on facts pretty substantially," was how Bloomberg's Josh Wingrove described it on The West Block on Sunday.

"Over Scheer's first year as leader, the Conservatives have become more and more comfortable with misrepresenting major government policies," wrote Chantal Hébert in the Toronto Star on Monday.  "They are not just taking short cuts with reality.  They are leading their target audience astray.  They apparently could not care less about being called out on the distortions."

And this is where it's getting worrying.  They package their outrage clips of lies and distortions over social media, showing their various MPs repeating them in the House of Commons ad nauseum, and their base believes it, especially when the government won't call it out as false, preferring to respond with a pabulum talking point instead.  It just "proves" that the government isn't denying it, so it must be true.

When speaking about the wildly distorted story about the play structure the Prime Minister bought and paid for at the official residence at Harrington Lake, the fact that he didn't refute the alleged $7500 price tag when Scheer brought it up during Question Period last Wednesday was being touted as "proof" that it was true, and that it fed the narrative that he's so careless with the public purse on the small things that he must be careless about the big stuff.  And it doesn't matter that it's not true it's about feeding supposed "proof" to a base that wants to believe that it's true, so they'll believe any falsehood that fits their preconceived worldview.

It's tempting for people who are finally taking notice of this trend to equate it to the success of Trump-ism in the States, but this predates it to the populist campaign of the Ford brothers in Toronto politics at the very least, but it's really part of a larger trend of a lack of media literacy (which is in and of itself coupled with our lack of civic literacy).  Partisan attacks on the press are nothing new, but for the press to be gun-shy in calling out falsehoods as they happen because they don't want to be seen as partisan, it makes it worse when they do have to call out lies for what they are.  Media has allowed the small lies to fester, and when they metastasize into big lies, it's harder to take them on.

I can think of fewer things more terrifying than politics for which truth doesn't matter, where politicians can spout bald-faced lies and people will believe them because it "feels true," or it has an "emotional honesty" that is impervious to facts.  And let's be honest this isn't just the domain of the Conservatives in Canada, considering that the Liberals' whole election pitch about the problems facing the middle class included a lot of bogus points about supposedly stagnating wages that weren't borne out in the data.  But we're moving beyond that now, and the success of populist leaders in Canada and abroad is taking us in a frightening direction.  It's incumbent upon us to start calling it out for what it is, before it gets too big to manage, and before it's too late.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


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American humorist P. J. O'Rourke recently told an interviewer he has only met a few Americans who actually voted for Donald Trump; he has, however, met a whole boatload, who voted against Hillary Clinton.

And that in a nutshell describes the essence of populism.

Basically, what we call populism is a negative political movement which feeds on the frustration and anger of people who don't like the status quo.

Voters who support populist politicians like Trump, in other words, typically believe the economic or political system as it exists, either treats them unfairly or else ignores their needs; so in response, they remind the system they exist by giving it a good swift kick in the shins.

And it's this negativity and anger that's associated with populism, which leads many to fear it.

Yet, I'd argue fear is the wrong emotional response.

For me, the best way to deal with populism is with empathy.

Yes, I realize that makes me totally untrendy, since it's fashionable these days to treat populism with something akin to undisguised contempt.

Plus, the more contempt you openly display for it, the more of a hero you are to the all the anti-populist denizens who inhabit the media establishment echo chamber.

Hence, opinion leaders have an incentive to portray angry voters not as fellow citizens with a legitimate gripe, but as an unruly, pitch-fork-wielding mob of uneducated rabble who want to upend civilization.

In fact, this elitist sour attitude towards the common "mob" is as old as democracy.

Back in the days of Ancient Athens, which was the world's first democracy, famed philosopher Plato openly opposed giving political power to what he regarded as the intellectually and morally inferior masses.

As he put, "the laws of democracy remain a dead letter, its freedom is anarchy, its equality the equality of unequals."

This Platonian suspicion, that democracy empowers the unwashed hordes, lives on even today; we see it reflected in Clinton's infamous remark likening Trump's supporters to a "basket of deplorables," we see it in the words of Toronto Star columnist John Barber, who blamed Ontario Premier Kathleen Wynne's recent electoral loss on "populist derangement."

Wrote Barber: "She failed because she's a woman, and because she's gay.  She failed because she's Ontarian, at the mercy of Ontarians, and we're as ugly as anyone."

Thus in the eyes of Plato and Clinton and Barber, populism is basically democracy run amok; stupid people voting in ways in which smart people, i.e.  Plato, Clinton and Barber, believe is incorrect.

So if smart, trendy people think populism is so terrible, why do I think we should empathize with it?

Well, for one thing populism can sometimes bring about positive changes.

In his book, A Capitalism for the People, economist Luigi Zingales notes, for example, that American populism, helped bring about the Bill of Rights, anti-trust legislation and the democratic election of U.S. Senators.

But there's another important factor to consider.

When people vote for populist politicians or parties, they're expressing their anger and frustration through the ballot box, which is certainly preferable to rioting in the streets.

And that's the genius of democracy, which Plato overlooked it gives people a mechanism to peacefully challenge the status quo.

Of course, that's only half the democratic equation the other half, is that the powers who make up our political Establishment, must seek to understand why the current system is under attack.

They need to ask themselves, why isn't the status quo working for large numbers of citizens?

Then, as a next step, they must somehow address and allay the anxieties and fears which lead to populist uprisings.

If they fail to take those steps, if they continue to mock people who embrace populism, or to demonize them, or worse, if they continue to ignore their concerns, it will only make the populist impulse stronger, which could lead to serious problems, since like any emotion-laden movement, populism can eventually morph into something truly ugly and dangerous.

So my point is, the best way to stop populism isn't to fight it, but to defuse it.

And that takes empathy.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


It has only been two weeks since Doug Ford won the election, and while he won't become Premier of Ontario until June 29, he's already making it clear there are going to be significant changes in how Queen's Park is going to be run under his leadership.

Last week Ford announced that he will reconvene the legislature in July so that he can enact some of his promises right out of the gate, instead of waiting until the fall.  Included on his to-do list: ending the never-ending York University strike, cutting the provincial excise tax on gas and scrapping the Liberals' cap-and-trade scheme.

Telling the Canadian Union of Public Employees to go pound sand will likely be the first of many battles with the various unions of the province, and Ford acting decisively on this long-standing dispute shows that he will have no problem fighting the public unions that backed Andrea Horwath's NDP this election and have played kingmaker for the past fifteen years.  If Ford is to be successful in saving the province billions of dollars, battles with the unions will be necessary.

Also revealed last week, Ford insiders are saying the new Premier will have less than the redundant-filled 28-person Wynne cabinet of the last government.  On top of reducing the amount of top-level salaries, this may indicate Ford is looking into scrapping some of the superfluous 30 departments and 6 non-portfolio offices that make up the current Ontario government.  Perhaps the Intergovernmental Affairs, Municipal Affairs and Housing departments could all be amalgamated into one department.  Perhaps Ontario doesn't need a Francophone Affairs department, there are only about 277,000 Ontarians speaking French at home, meanwhile countless other minorities don't have their own ministry, or Status of Women department, which only helps out one sex while in a lot of areas the other sex is faring far worse now.  There are some other questionable departments that I'm sure the Ford team is looking at discontinuing and consolidating, so don't be surprised if some of them get axed.  (The only problem for Ford in this area is that he has a very large caucus, so removing the number of cabinet seats would result in disappointing more people's expectations of being in cabinet.)

On Monday, Ford continued to show his commitment to reigning in spending by declaring a hiring freeze on the public sector, excluding front-line workers like teachers, police, nurses and firefighters.  Ontario has a bureaucracy that has become bloated under the Liberals.  As National Post columnist Andrew Coyne and other experts have pointed out, hiring freezes can be an effective tool in balancing the books in a province where the population is increasing, meaning more money coming into the government from a greater number of taxpayers.

But even more important symbolically speaking — although minuscule in the grand scheme of things financially speaking — is Ford ending free meals for MPPs and print subscriptions to newspapers.  On Tuesday, in his first caucus meeting, Ford bought pizza for his MPPs and said they'll need to bring their own lunches paper-bag lunches.  This is a stark contrast from the Wynne or Trudeau Liberals, that claim to fight for the middle class while living lavishly on the taxpayer's dime.  Ford is sending a clear message that he expects his MPPs to have respect for taxpayers' wallets and purses.

However, taking care of the pennies will in now way end up with the dollars taking care of themselves in a province drowning in a debt of $320 billion, probably more once the PCs get a good look at the Liberals' creative math.  Ford's started off on the right foot, but he's only at the base of what is the equivalent of scaling a debt the size of Mount Everest.

Photo Credit: Jeff Burney, Loonie Politics

Written by Graeme C. Gordon

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Hey, you!  Yes, you.  Are you tired of opinion-leading journalists crying poor to the federal government?  Sick of endless layoffs and the slow bleeding-to-death of august publications like Maclean's and Chatelaine?  Anxiously stockpiling Margaret Wente and Rex Murphy columns?

Well, waste no more time asking yourself, "Whither Canadian Journalism?"  Actually, don't waste your time using the word "Whither?", ever.  Seriously, though: Fear not, for I, your humble correspondent, have devised an absolutely foolproof plan for saving Canadian Media from itself.

How do I know it's foolproof, you ask?  Simple: All I propose to do is to take emerging trends within Capital C-Canadian Capital J-Journalism and extend them to their most logical conclusions.  It's the greatest kind of Canadian problem solving: Blindly following along, shunning innovation, declaring victory when nothing of the sort has happened.  And not only that, but the whole plan can be contained in a number of steps people can count to.  Well, most people, anyway.  Without further ado, here's step 1:

Step 1Get Back To Basics: Unvarnished Partisanship 

Newspapers started out as blatantly partisan rags for one side or the other, and in the intervening centuries we've gotten better and better at pretending this isn't still the case, and that something resembling a code of ethics is upheld.  Actually, that's not quite true: The media has gotten better at pretending, and the rest of us decided we weren't going to mention it because doing so would be uncalled-for dunking on people who can't defend themselves.

Whether it's the Toronto Star's resolute declarations of ¡No pasarán! with respect to the dreaded fake news or the tall foreheads at Canadaland fundraising off the backs of the Sun Media chain going all in for Ford Nation, we've got a lot of journos pretending they are above it all.  Noble, but with the way things are going we're all going to end up on the payroll of one government or another, so why not get it over with?  Journalists of conscience need to recognize that consensus media elected Ford, and they must therefore declare themselves for the glorious anti-Ford resistance now, before he has a chance to do anything, and declare for whichever party has the best chance of invalidating Dougie's Premiership.

Step 2: Fight The Alt-Right, All Day And All Night

Now that we've dispensed with the illusion of fairness, we can get on with the real business of journalism, which involves "fact-checking" the alt-right.  The example of Daniel Dale, who lays passive-aggressive Canadian burns on the Un-President like it's his job….oh wait, that IS Dale's job now, apparently……is instructive in this regard.  What if all Canadian media coverage pushed the anti-Trump agenda in some way?  OK OK, what if it did that, but more so?  Imagine if, instead of boring articles about filling in potholes, we got articles about how filling in that pothole was a defiant act against capitalism.  Private industry didn't fill that pothole, did it now?

Regular old sports journalism?  No, let's have articles about how the Blue Jays should refuse to play in any state that voted for Trump (and let's be honest, the Jays can hardly be said to be "playing" when they do take the field, am I right guys? Guys????) or how the Leafs should switch out the blue on their uniforms for a more centrist red or orange…. for home games only, of course.  Forget your dad's crossword puzzle, what's a seven letter word for "Progressive Battle Cry"?  The answer is, of course, "#RESIST".  What do you mean, you can't use hashtags in a crossword puzzle?  Three other words branch off from that one and they all use hashtags too!

Step 3: Self-Aggrandizing Mansplaining In The Pages Of The New Yorker

I ask you: Where would we be without Adam Gopnik's regular love letters to Canada in the pages of the New Yorker?  As much, if not more effort should be put into building up Canada in the eyes of upper-crust NYC intellectuals than actually maintaining the institution of Canadian journalism.  Otherwise, Americans might start looking more closely at our country and finding flaws flaws that we barely covered in our own media!

Written by Josh Lieblein

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


This week, the Toronto Star released a package of stories on Question Period, which was an inch-deep analysis backed up by statistics that were largely meaningless.  Why?  Because unless you look at the context of the changes that have happened over the years occurred, you're just enforcing a narrative that QP is generally horrible without explaining how or why it came to be that way.  If we want to look at why Parliament is the way it is right now and come up with constructive solutions for how to restore it to something more resembling a useful exercise, then we need to actually dig a little deeper than just counting how many time certain talking points get deployed.

Let's get a few things out of the way first yes, Question Period is an important exercise in holding the government to account, regardless of whether you think there are useful questions asked or answers given.  The only thing worse than having QP is not having QP.  We also need to put on the table that yes, there is a big element of political theatre to the exercise, but we also need to reinforce that it's not a bad thing for there to be some political theatre.  I mean, if anyone bothers to watch the proceedings of the House of Commons for the rest of the day, you would be in serious danger of developing narcolepsy.  Political theatre can mean being partisan, but it shouldn't mean being demeaning or insulting, but unfortunately, we don't have much of a culture of self-deprecating wit in this country, and people resort to nastiness instead.  It's unfortunate, but it's not an excuse to turn QP into a monastic exercise.

We also cannot dismiss the obvious influence that television media has had on way in which QP has evolved over the past four decades.  What started out as playing for the cameras turned into delivering a buffet of media clips for the evening news.  This became almost codified in the ways in which parties would ask the same questions in both English and French, regardless of what the answer provided was, in order to have that clip available to media in both official languages.  It's partly why the flow of debate became so fragmented that, and the imposition of speaking lists that were designed to be fairer to a Commons that suddenly included a lot more parties in 1993, but it was also because the calculation changed from it being a debate for the people in the room than it was to provide those clips.  In the past couple of years, this has evolved further so that they are bypassing even the traditional media and going right to social media, which means generating clips of as many MPs as possible repeating the same angry points so that they can broadcast it over their various channels to targeted audiences.  This has changed the way in which debate has happened dramatically in the past two parliaments and has only accelerated since Andrew Scheer became Conservative leader.

The centralization of messaging in QP and in debate writ large is another endemic problem, but it's one that we can't separate from the broken way in which we choose party leaders in this country.  The more emphasis we place on leadership contests that produce leaders who feel they have the democratic legitimacy to lord their presence over their parties, and the more we hollow out parties to become the personality cults of those leaders, the more we've taken away their agency within debate and QP.  By reinforcing that the party is all about the leader and their brand as opposed to the MPs themselves, it is no longer about hearing what they have to say, but rather about their delivering the party line.  And this cannot be minimized when we look at the health of our democratic systems so long as they are given their talking points and so long as the parties all "strategize" how they're going to handle debate or QP, the more the theatre of it all becomes an exercise in stage management as opposed to passion or intelligence.

This is why we can't just tweak the standing orders around QP and hope that it'll fix things.  Eliminating heckling certainly won't do anything about the substantive problems that are at the root of the problems within our system.  Yes, the way in which the rules have been brought in over the years have helped to exacerbate problems the 35-second rules for QP has stultified debate and in many cases has made the scripting of ministers worse because they don't want to go over that clock.  If you need proof of what eliminating that ticking clock does for answers, then one should look no further than ministerial Senate QP, where the vast majority of ministers perform better and give more substantive responses because they have the time to do so.  (Note: Some ministers abuse this and meander around in their responses, but it's still generally better than what we get in 35 seconds).  The mere fact that we now allow scripts into the Commons is a rule change that needs to be rolled back and force MPs to speak extemporaneously.  It may not solve the talking point problem entirely, but it might at least force a bit of variety in what gets asked rather than verbatim repetition.  And eliminating the speaking lists will allow for more free-flowing debate and frustrate the ability of parties to "strategize."  That can only be an improvement.

But so long as we continue to fetishize party leadership through these quasi-presidential leadership contests, and marginalize the individual MPs by doing so, then there is no incentive for MPs to actually debate.  If they know that they are forced to simply read the lines prepared for them by the House Leader's office, then why bother?  And I've heard this from MPs themselves there is no incentive for them to do better.  And that's a sad indictment of how far the system has fallen.  But QP is but a symptom of the deeper rot, which starts at the leadership selection system.  Reform that, and the system as a whole will recover.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.