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Hey, you!  Yes, you.  Are you tired of opinion-leading journalists crying poor to the federal government?  Sick of endless layoffs and the slow bleeding-to-death of august publications like Maclean's and Chatelaine?  Anxiously stockpiling Margaret Wente and Rex Murphy columns?

Well, waste no more time asking yourself, "Whither Canadian Journalism?"  Actually, don't waste your time using the word "Whither?", ever.  Seriously, though: Fear not, for I, your humble correspondent, have devised an absolutely foolproof plan for saving Canadian Media from itself.

How do I know it's foolproof, you ask?  Simple: All I propose to do is to take emerging trends within Capital C-Canadian Capital J-Journalism and extend them to their most logical conclusions.  It's the greatest kind of Canadian problem solving: Blindly following along, shunning innovation, declaring victory when nothing of the sort has happened.  And not only that, but the whole plan can be contained in a number of steps people can count to.  Well, most people, anyway.  Without further ado, here's step 1:

Step 1Get Back To Basics: Unvarnished Partisanship 

Newspapers started out as blatantly partisan rags for one side or the other, and in the intervening centuries we've gotten better and better at pretending this isn't still the case, and that something resembling a code of ethics is upheld.  Actually, that's not quite true: The media has gotten better at pretending, and the rest of us decided we weren't going to mention it because doing so would be uncalled-for dunking on people who can't defend themselves.

Whether it's the Toronto Star's resolute declarations of ¡No pasarán! with respect to the dreaded fake news or the tall foreheads at Canadaland fundraising off the backs of the Sun Media chain going all in for Ford Nation, we've got a lot of journos pretending they are above it all.  Noble, but with the way things are going we're all going to end up on the payroll of one government or another, so why not get it over with?  Journalists of conscience need to recognize that consensus media elected Ford, and they must therefore declare themselves for the glorious anti-Ford resistance now, before he has a chance to do anything, and declare for whichever party has the best chance of invalidating Dougie's Premiership.

Step 2: Fight The Alt-Right, All Day And All Night

Now that we've dispensed with the illusion of fairness, we can get on with the real business of journalism, which involves "fact-checking" the alt-right.  The example of Daniel Dale, who lays passive-aggressive Canadian burns on the Un-President like it's his job….oh wait, that IS Dale's job now, apparently……is instructive in this regard.  What if all Canadian media coverage pushed the anti-Trump agenda in some way?  OK OK, what if it did that, but more so?  Imagine if, instead of boring articles about filling in potholes, we got articles about how filling in that pothole was a defiant act against capitalism.  Private industry didn't fill that pothole, did it now?

Regular old sports journalism?  No, let's have articles about how the Blue Jays should refuse to play in any state that voted for Trump (and let's be honest, the Jays can hardly be said to be "playing" when they do take the field, am I right guys? Guys????) or how the Leafs should switch out the blue on their uniforms for a more centrist red or orange…. for home games only, of course.  Forget your dad's crossword puzzle, what's a seven letter word for "Progressive Battle Cry"?  The answer is, of course, "#RESIST".  What do you mean, you can't use hashtags in a crossword puzzle?  Three other words branch off from that one and they all use hashtags too!

Step 3: Self-Aggrandizing Mansplaining In The Pages Of The New Yorker

I ask you: Where would we be without Adam Gopnik's regular love letters to Canada in the pages of the New Yorker?  As much, if not more effort should be put into building up Canada in the eyes of upper-crust NYC intellectuals than actually maintaining the institution of Canadian journalism.  Otherwise, Americans might start looking more closely at our country and finding flaws flaws that we barely covered in our own media!

Written by Josh Lieblein

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


This week, the Toronto Star released a package of stories on Question Period, which was an inch-deep analysis backed up by statistics that were largely meaningless.  Why?  Because unless you look at the context of the changes that have happened over the years occurred, you're just enforcing a narrative that QP is generally horrible without explaining how or why it came to be that way.  If we want to look at why Parliament is the way it is right now and come up with constructive solutions for how to restore it to something more resembling a useful exercise, then we need to actually dig a little deeper than just counting how many time certain talking points get deployed.

Let's get a few things out of the way first yes, Question Period is an important exercise in holding the government to account, regardless of whether you think there are useful questions asked or answers given.  The only thing worse than having QP is not having QP.  We also need to put on the table that yes, there is a big element of political theatre to the exercise, but we also need to reinforce that it's not a bad thing for there to be some political theatre.  I mean, if anyone bothers to watch the proceedings of the House of Commons for the rest of the day, you would be in serious danger of developing narcolepsy.  Political theatre can mean being partisan, but it shouldn't mean being demeaning or insulting, but unfortunately, we don't have much of a culture of self-deprecating wit in this country, and people resort to nastiness instead.  It's unfortunate, but it's not an excuse to turn QP into a monastic exercise.

We also cannot dismiss the obvious influence that television media has had on way in which QP has evolved over the past four decades.  What started out as playing for the cameras turned into delivering a buffet of media clips for the evening news.  This became almost codified in the ways in which parties would ask the same questions in both English and French, regardless of what the answer provided was, in order to have that clip available to media in both official languages.  It's partly why the flow of debate became so fragmented that, and the imposition of speaking lists that were designed to be fairer to a Commons that suddenly included a lot more parties in 1993, but it was also because the calculation changed from it being a debate for the people in the room than it was to provide those clips.  In the past couple of years, this has evolved further so that they are bypassing even the traditional media and going right to social media, which means generating clips of as many MPs as possible repeating the same angry points so that they can broadcast it over their various channels to targeted audiences.  This has changed the way in which debate has happened dramatically in the past two parliaments and has only accelerated since Andrew Scheer became Conservative leader.

The centralization of messaging in QP and in debate writ large is another endemic problem, but it's one that we can't separate from the broken way in which we choose party leaders in this country.  The more emphasis we place on leadership contests that produce leaders who feel they have the democratic legitimacy to lord their presence over their parties, and the more we hollow out parties to become the personality cults of those leaders, the more we've taken away their agency within debate and QP.  By reinforcing that the party is all about the leader and their brand as opposed to the MPs themselves, it is no longer about hearing what they have to say, but rather about their delivering the party line.  And this cannot be minimized when we look at the health of our democratic systems so long as they are given their talking points and so long as the parties all "strategize" how they're going to handle debate or QP, the more the theatre of it all becomes an exercise in stage management as opposed to passion or intelligence.

This is why we can't just tweak the standing orders around QP and hope that it'll fix things.  Eliminating heckling certainly won't do anything about the substantive problems that are at the root of the problems within our system.  Yes, the way in which the rules have been brought in over the years have helped to exacerbate problems the 35-second rules for QP has stultified debate and in many cases has made the scripting of ministers worse because they don't want to go over that clock.  If you need proof of what eliminating that ticking clock does for answers, then one should look no further than ministerial Senate QP, where the vast majority of ministers perform better and give more substantive responses because they have the time to do so.  (Note: Some ministers abuse this and meander around in their responses, but it's still generally better than what we get in 35 seconds).  The mere fact that we now allow scripts into the Commons is a rule change that needs to be rolled back and force MPs to speak extemporaneously.  It may not solve the talking point problem entirely, but it might at least force a bit of variety in what gets asked rather than verbatim repetition.  And eliminating the speaking lists will allow for more free-flowing debate and frustrate the ability of parties to "strategize."  That can only be an improvement.

But so long as we continue to fetishize party leadership through these quasi-presidential leadership contests, and marginalize the individual MPs by doing so, then there is no incentive for MPs to actually debate.  If they know that they are forced to simply read the lines prepared for them by the House Leader's office, then why bother?  And I've heard this from MPs themselves there is no incentive for them to do better.  And that's a sad indictment of how far the system has fallen.  But QP is but a symptom of the deeper rot, which starts at the leadership selection system.  Reform that, and the system as a whole will recover.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.