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To be honest, I never felt all that comfortable attacking Kathleen Wynne.

It wasn't that she didn't deserve it, because she certainly did.  It was more that she was so consumed by insecurity, by fear of being attacked and a need to be liked that I kind of felt sorry for her.

It infected everything she did as Premier, from the cynical and abrupt way she yanked the province's finances from balanced budget to deficit spending on a whim, to the cry-bullying approach to prosecuting the cases against Sandra Pupatello, Tim Hudak, and the 2014 iteration of Andrea Horwath, respectively, to the needless attacks on the founder of Tim Horton's and attempts to suppress documentaries (that of course she denied ever happened) that were at best mildly critical, and finally, her shameless #sorrynotsorry method of dismissing those who had legitimate criticisms of the way she governed.

She didn't need to poach Glenn Thibeault in Sudbury, or promise high speed rail to Windsor, or try to make the case that the hapless Patrick Brown was Donald Trump, or say that her party putting beer and wine in supermarkets was balanced but putting the same substances in corner stores was reckless and risky, but she did all these things and more anyway.

This was a politician who showed us that it was OK to be a female Premier who was married to a woman.  She did it all, from popular school board trustee, to the well-liked Minister of Education who defeated John Tory in  2007, to underdog and ultimately successful leadership candidate, to activist leader who restored her party's majority status after Dalton McGuinty lost it.  She is a legitimate hero to many after all of it.

And yet, of course, it wasn't enough. Having decisively earned the right to tell her haters to go pound sand many times over, she continued to govern as though every Facebook account sharing memes comparing her to Orville Redenbacher and every "Kathleen Lose" tweet had the potential to be her undoing.  "There are certain people in the press gallery who I just know are out to get me," she whined at one point, oblivious to the fact that she was the most powerful First Minister in Confederation.

While I wouldn't begrudge anyone the experience of being pecked to death by the full-day-kindergarten class that is Ontario's press corps, or being subjected to daily homophobia and sexism, it still begs the question of whether Wynne went into public life with the intention of being loved, or to make a difference.

Did she forget that this is the same province that threw the much-beloved Bill Davis out of office for funding Catholic schools?  Did she imagine that providing free prescriptions to kids under 25 or free tuition would whet the public's voracious appetite for entitlements?

Sadly, her early concession speech after months of ignoring the very clear signs that she was going to get utterly creamed and blow up her own party if she stayed on as Premier gave us all the answers we would need, by giving us, and her party, none of the answers they needed.  At once, she torpedoed any hope for a progressive coalition, inadvertently signaled to many supporters that there was no point in voting Liberal since she was going to lose, and confused those who had hoped to vote strategically.  A baffling, self-destructive, and utterly vindictive gesture.

You could, of course, conclude that this kind of behaviour has something to do with why Kathleen Wynne is disliked.  But that of course would be blaming the victim, which is what the soon-to-be-ex-Premier so clearly believes that she is.

Well, let her resign herself, then, to her endless victimhood, and let those who believe that Ontarians have done her a bad turn, instead of the other way around, persist in their beliefs, far away from the rest of us.  Her successor may victimize the province further, but at least Doug Ford and Andrea Horwath have proven this election cycle that they can handle being disliked by the voters, and that, after all, may be the crucial overlooked reason why those same voters will trust them with the majority of the seats and their votes.

Written by Josh Leiblein

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


The final spring legislative crunch has arrived in Parliament, and MPs are now sitting until midnight Mondays to Thursdays in order to start getting bills cleared.  Committees are buckling down to get some very big bills through the process, and the Senate?  Well, we'll see when the Government Leader in the Senate err, "government representative," Senator Peter Harder, can actually produce a list of bills he wants prioritized, but the caucuses there are trying to negotiate how best to get these incoming bills passed before they leave for the summer.

When the motion for midnight sittings happens, we are beset by the ritual complaints of the opposition about how terrible it is that the government is ramming through these bills, and how it's their own fault for leaving things until the last minute.  This is also usually the time of year where the government starts invoking time allocation on bills in order to keep debate focused, which brings another round of "They're bringing out the guillotine!" wails, despite the fact that time allocation is not closure (the actual legislative guillotine), and that time allocation is sometimes a necessary tool particularly given that we have developed some very bad habits when it comes to managing debates in the Canadian parliament.  The problem, however, is that some of the alternatives are even worse.

I will say first of all that the complaints that the government has left things until the last minute is rarely a fair argument (though in this particular sitting, the late introduction of the elections bill is quite possibly the case in point it was left late, and we're not really sure the reason why).  Most people fail to realize how tight the legislative calendar really is, given how many sitting days are devoted to Supply Days for the opposition, and other days are lost due to circumstances that happen.  It's life, but it starts to make the House Leader's job more difficult to try and get the agenda through.  Add to that, the number of days lost to opposition protests, like filibusters and vote-a-thons that failed to prove their actual point or were poor choices both tactically and procedurally (such as the one on the Estimates that the Conservatives forced to try and get traction on the Atwal Affairâ„¢, only to lose their own stomach for keeping it going and shooting themselves in the foot when they voted against line items like services for veterans).  Again, that's life in a democracy and you have to deal with it.

But in the grand scheme of things, what we need to take a good hard look at is how we're actually debating in our Parliament and what's going on isn't good.  We have utterly broken our system of debate because poor rules changes, and the need for central messaging has essentially gutted what those rules didn't.  MPs don't debate any longer in Canada they read twenty-minute speeches into the record with almost nobody paying attention, and in the time set aside for questions and answers, what we largely get are nothing but recitations of talking points, either from their own side to bolster their position, or non sequiturs in response to disingenuous questions from the other side.  Yes, there are exceptions to this rule, but for the vast majority of MPs, this is how "debate" happens now.  And it's appalling.

Add to that, what MPs are purporting to debate is increasingly disconnected from what they are supposed to be debating.  Second Reading is a prime example of how things have devolved.  Second Reading is when MPs are supposed to debate the principles of a bill you're not looking at the details, but rather the broad strokes.  Does your party support the idea that this bill puts forward or not?  This is debate that shouldn't take days, and yet often that's just what happens.  Long speeches are read into the record, superfluously, and the pace of legislation crawls.  What should happen is that a handful of MPs should state the party's position, raise any concerns, and then move the bill onto committee where it will be studied in detail, and all of the clauses in the bill will get a thorough review.  That is how it's supposed to work, anyway.  But no, we get speechifying in to the void.

One only has to look at how Westminster handles this, where Second Reading debates generally take an afternoon. The Speaker sees how many MPs want to debate the bill and divides the allotted afternoon's time up so that MPs generally get around ten minutes each, and they actually debate.  There is no reading of long speeches into the record they make their point, they get interjections and questions asked throughout, and then it goes for a vote before heading off to committee.  This is how we should be dealing with it here, and yet we don't.

This being said, there are other Westminster practices that we should be wary of, which is the use of programming motions, which essentially time allocates bills from the time that they get Second Reading.  We saw Government House Leader Barish Chagger ham-fistedly propose adopting this in Canada a couple of years ago, which was withdrawn after weeks of filibusters, but this is certainly something that touted as ensuring that there is regularity and predictability to debates much like Senator Harder keeps pushing for a business committee in the Senate to do much the same thing, and time allocate all debates.

It's a good thing that we have the kind of flexibility we do in our parliament to give bills the time they need when they need them, but we have to stop pretending that the way we're debating things right now is okay.  It's not.  It suffocates substance under useless verbiage that some poor staffers spend all of their time writing with key messages from the leader's offices rather than actually dealing with the legislation that's before them.  That's why we need to change the rules to get rid of the twenty-minute speaking times, and we need to re-empower the Speaker to divvy up times by the number of MPs in the chamber who want to speak, and to restore to them the ability to actually debate with give-and-take throughout.  But we also need the various House leaders to realize that they don't need to fill Hansard with speeches nobody pays attention to, and start returning it to actual, manageable debate that people will follow.  We can and must do better if we're to keep Parliament relevant for Canadians.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Founded in 1991 to defend Quebec's independence in the Federal Parliament in the aftermath of the failure of the Meech Lake Accord, the Bloc Québécois is going through an extreme existential crisis right now.

What future could be envisaged for this separatist party whose founding leader, Lucien Bouchard, argued would be successful only if it was temporary?

After the near-miss of the 1995 referendum, the Bloc found a new raison d'être as the defender of Quebec's interests and formed an effective opposition in Ottawa.  But Quebecers grew tired of the Bloc and the collapse of the BQ's support in 2011 was inevitable.  Even given the 2011 results, the implosion we have witnessed over the past few months is still surprising.  That said, many PQ insiders are not that surprised, having witnessed Martine Ouellet's behavior as a Marois cabinet minister.

Under her leadership, Martine Ouellet presided over the departure of 70% of her caucus of 10, had two former leaders calling for her head and a third one jumping ship to the Conservative Party.  No wonder only 32% of the remaining active Bloc Québécois members supported Martine Ouellet during the confidence vote held last weekend.

In a penultimate, teary news conference, Martine Ouellet blamed literally everyone but herself for her abysmal failure demonstrating that she still doesn't understand what leadership is all about.  She even launched a new magazine while she was at it!  Can you say out of touch?

Martine Ouellet will be leaving the leadership of the Bloc Québécois on Monday, June 11, 2018 and the Bloc will be looking for a new leader.  But who can step up and rescue the Bloc?

Former Leader and current Party President Mario Beaulieu called on the seven rebels to come back into the fold.  Whether they do so or stick with their own little upstart party Québec Debout is almost irrelevant.

Save for Beaulieu, none of the current Bloc (or Québec Debout) MPs have any kind of a profile.  As for Beaulieu, a radical who now seems moderate and reasonable thanks to Ouellet's antics, he has already tried once and he had to resign in favour of Gilles Duceppe a few months before the 2015 election, in a desperate attempt to save the furniture.

And if you look aboard the PQ mothership in Quebec City, any bright lights you can find will be lucky to survive the upcoming fall provincial election, as the Parti Québécois is trailing in third place, currently polling below its worst results 48 years ago!

In theory, these potential PQ stars could become available come October.  That will of course happen only because the PQ got trounced.  And if the PQ get trounced, what is the point of the Bloc again?

While voting to topple Ouellet, Bloc members also voted to make Quebec's independence the top priority of the sinking party.  Meanwhile, as the PQ mothership is also sinking, some there are blaming it on Lisée's decision to not make Quebec's independence the party's top priority.

Feels like they are shuffling the chairs on the decks of two Titanics while Quebecers have abandonned the separatist fleet.

Photo Credit: Times Colonist

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.