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It would appear that my podcasting partner Graeme C. Gordon has caught the Orange Fever, and with good reason: The PC's appear to be doing everything in their power to throw this one away, as per usual.

If it were any other time, any other campaign, any other leader, I'd be putting my money under the mattress, stocking the panic room, and investing heavily in guillotine futures.

However, the last time I wrote off a blustering, bumbling, shambling wreck of a conservative campaign because the guy in charge looked like he was melting down, I ended up decidedly on the wrong side of history.  It's a mistake that I don't intend to make twice, and as such I am sticking with my prediction of a Ford victory, narrow as it may be and against my own better judgement.

An NDP win is certainly possible despite all that.  With Andrea Horwath still relatively unknown and riding a wave of support based largely on her non-terribleness as a candidate, a mishap would hurt her far more than any of Ford's screwups.  And so, more to cover my own behind more than anything else, I will trace a path to victory for her:

The Liberals need to continue playing dead

Pointing out the hole in Horwath's platform and casting doubt on Kevin Page's "verification" was a palpable hit.  Saying their plan to put beer and wine in supermarkets was "balanced," while Ford's plan to put beer and wine in corner stores was "reckless" was not but it did put the NDP on the spot, forcing them to throw their lot in with the Liberals on booze.  Point being  at this point, if the Liberals are moving, they're taking points and ridings from Team Orange.  The best thing for the NDP is for them to vanish and scatter, like lots of Liberal candidates and MPP's are doing.

They have to make it to June 7 without saying something completely wacky

Attacking the NDP over a candidate's comments on Christmas, Israel, or 9/11 truth is all very well, but let's be honest: People expect the NDP to say things like this because we all know that's what they believe.  It's when the leadership starts getting cocky and excited and pulls a sudden U-Turn into crazy town- such as when the BC NDP reversed course on Kinder Morgan  that the Orange Wave crashes prematurely.  There doesn't seem to be any major policy cock-ups in the offing, but…….

They have to not take the bait and spend the rest of the campaign howling about the 407 

The NDP have done a good job so far of keeping their powder dry when it comes to going on the attack, because screaming about scandals absolutely does not help your cause unless someone is going to jail.  Their communications-strategist type people are absolutely chomping at the bit to, however.  The hatred for Ford is there, and if the PC's are looking for a way to knock the NDP off of their cloud, they have to provoke Horwath into going negative somehow, preferably into some identity-politics fuelled rant.  (You're welcome!)

Ford has to continue playing it safe

Speaking of going negative, you know the big difference between Ford and Trump?  The former uses his Twitter to break the rules and work his opponents into a frenzy, while the latter…..isn't.  Despite all the screaming about Ford being Trump Lite, Doug's still been trying to not confirm people's worst suspicions about him.  This breaks the cardinal rule of Trump's success NEVER let your opponents define you, for better or for worse.  As the vote draws closer, Ford will have to do SOMETHING to show his team that he's the hard-charging maverick his supporters wish he could be.

They have to match Ford's crowd size

This is the big one.  This is the one thing that showed that Trump could not be knocked down.  Even as the damaging tape circulated, even as the debates went from bad to worse for him, and even after Ann Coulter was reduced to gibbering panic just before E-day, Trump's people kept turning out for him, making those crowds the best indicator I can think of for Ford's actual support.  The people who won't tell a pollster that they're voting blue can hide in a crowd without shame.  And Andrea Horwath, at the top of her crowd-creating game, couldn't match Ford's numbers.  That should worry NDPers more than anything else.

Written by Josh Lieblein

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


With two weeks to go the Ontario election race seems to be tightening in several ways.  One is that Liberal collars are contracting as the scale of their looming debacle becomes clear.  Another is that the NDP is closing in on the Tories in many polls because, I would argue, only the socialist party is giving people something to vote for.

Not, I hasten to add, something they should vote for.  The NDP are correct that the Liberals have been ethically sloppy in expensive ways since 2003.  But their conviction that the Liberals' other main governing sins have been spending too little and trusting free markets too much would be laughable if its potential implications weren't so serious.

Electing an NDP majority would provide voters with a stark lesson in the defects in such thinking.  But there must be a cheaper way to get an education.  And while a Liberal-NDP coalition would not fall into that category, it may well be our next class in the school of hard knocks because a Tory minority is not conceivable.

In both ideology and sensibility the Liberals and NDP are far closer to one another than either are to the Conservatives, and if no party wins an outright majority of seats we must expect an NDP-Liberal coalition as instructive as it would be expensive.  The question is whether the Tories can still pull out that majority.

It's an odd question given that two weeks ago the election seemed to be Ford's to lose.  But the prevailing wisdom, apparently within Ford's camp as well as outside, was that the best way for him to lose it was to be loud, rude, ignorant and right-wing.

It could have happened.  So they crafted an approach in which he tried to be subdued, polite, vague and centrist.  And where Patrick Brown, before being derailed by unsubstantiated allegations of sexual harassment, had a detailed left-wing platform, Ford has no platform at all, on the apparent ground that that things you never say cannot be criticized.

To some degree it has worked.  He has avoided grisly "gotcha" moments and swiftly dumped Tanya Granic Allen over an ill-advised "I almost vomit in disbelief" over sex ed in Croatia four years ago, and her reference to Muslim face veils as masks.  But there is a downside to this lunge for the centre, one the boys (and girls, men and women) in short pants seem unable to grasp.

It is not that a Conservative party that eschews conservatism will be accused of a hidden agenda.  It will, as part of the standard abuse that rains down on even mildly right-of-centre candidates regardless of what they say or how they say it.  The danger is that the public will become convinced that there is no agenda, hidden or otherwise, behind which to rally, and won't rally.

It might not seem to matter.  Those right of centre surely have to vote Tory regardless, along with those determined to be rid of the Liberals over ethical lapses or fiscal incompetence.  But in fact people can simply stay home, or decide the NDP are as good a way to be rid of the Liberals, because they fail to perceive what is at stake.  Remember, not everyone follows politics closely.

A peculiar contradiction apparently lurks in Tory thinking, a simultaneous conviction that a large number of voters are secretly right-wing and that any mention of right-wing policies will expose those voters and the party and spell ruin for both.  Personally I suspect the conventional wisdom badly underestimates the appetite for genuine conservatism across the board given the extraordinary phenomenon of Jordan Peterson.  And I'm certain it underestimates the appetite for coherent fiscal conservatism.

People suspect the situation is dire and cannot be fixed with sweet nothings.  It's why they supported a Mike Harris, Ralph Klein or Ronald Reagan.  But when they hear a candidate like Doug Ford speaking of increasing spending, finding efficiencies and avoiding cuts, many swing voters do not think he has secret plans so awful that like Voldemort they must not be named.  They conclude that he has no real idea what's going on, or that the problem cannot be as bad as they feared.

As I've observed before, there are drawbacks to running as a mushy centrist whose response to every policy or PR crisis is to promise more spending.  One is that you'll govern the way you campaigned, with politically and fiscally disastrous results.  The other is that you won't get to govern at all.

It doesn't matter that Doug Ford is regarded as a scary right-winger by people who would never vote Tory.  It does matter that he's failed to give many who might any important reason to support him.  Hence the tightening polls and possibly fiscal noose come June 7.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


It's been interesting to see how Doug Ford has fared out in the open and on his own as the leader of Ontario's Progressive Conservatives.  In his past political life he's been so tied to his brother, intertwined with the late Rob, it was hard to tell where one ended and the other began.

Well, halfway through this Ontario election campaign, we've got a chance to see his chops.  And I'm a little too delighted to say he's not very good at this.

His style of politics is very reactionary.  I mean that not just as an epithet from the left — though, I certainly do mean it as such — but also in the way he deals with any problem put in front of him.  A possibly bad thing is put in front of him and his instinct tells him to react with total agreement.  He will see your issue, and promise you the moon to fix it.

This week offered us a fun example.  The ace staffers in the PC war room dug up some tweets on dangerous proletarians in the potential NDP caucus.  One of those people, Laura Kaminker, once wrote about how she thought Remembrance Day was a "ritual of war glorification" and she refused to wear a poppy.

If you live in her Mississauga riding, judge this as you like.  I think there's a nugget of truth in there, but it's absurdly reductive of the views of people who wear a poppy.  But, at the provincial level, is it a deal-breaker?  Probably not.

Anyway, this gave El Fordorino the perfect in to show how much he respects veterans, unlike those dirty commie Dippers: under a PC government Royal Canadian Legions would be exempted from paying municipal taxes.  Which seems great!  Who doesn't love veterans!?  (Vicious NDP revolutionaries, that's who!)

But, fun fact, most of the municipalities in the province already exempt Legions from paying municipal taxes, including all the big cities where most veteran-hating rabble live.  We know this thanks to an evening's twitter work by the Ottawa Citizen's David Reevley and CBC's Joanne Chianello.

What this means is the big splashy promise to come out of the PCs reveal of the dastardly opponents is to…promise a thing that's already happening.  Strong stuff.  Bold, even.

Here lies the great hole in the centre of Doug's run for the big job: he doesn't know what he's doing.  He's a walking mouthpiece for the grievances of the province, but little else.  Whatever rage he hears, he can echo back.  But ask him how his patchwork of promises and indignant bluster hangs together and you get at best something that's already happening, but more likely you get squat.

Trying to beat back the idea he doesn't have a plan Wednesday, Ford promised his party would have a fully costed platform before the end of campaign, lo those handful of days away.  But why should he be believed when he can't even answer a very tough question like, "What day will you release it?"

Perhaps the delay in putting one out is because by releasing a platform, he wouldn't be able to promise whatever shiny thing he wants to that day.  It would also box him in to explaining what it is he means every time he says he's going to pay for his lavish promises with "efficiencies."  He says it doesn't involve cutting jobs or services, but won't say how that's possible.

Once you put out a platform, you're not going to have the ability to do those things.  You can't promise a second moon to light up the night sky, when your platform clearly states the province can only afford to keep one rocky dimpled sphere in orbit around this godforsaken planet.

Even Doug's campaign theme song seems out of place.  For The People it's called, because he's in this for the people, you see.  It's the note he tires to hit everywhere he goes.  His campaign isn't about pleasing Liberal insiders or downtown Toronto radicals, it's about helping the people.  He's running to be premier not for the power, or the glory, but to bring the government back into the hands of the people.

But it seems like every anecdote he drops is about how this or that factory owner, or investor of millions of dollars is struggling with red tape.  It reveals another thing about Doug, his folksiness is a put on, a chummy show.  But when he talks about wanting to help people his first thought goes to helping business owners.

All through this campaign there have been these little inconsistencies in Doug's plan and his demeanour.  Every day he spends out there, a little more of his façade chips away.

Doug Ford was a more plausible candidate when it was abstract.  Now folks are getting a look at who he is, and who he isn't, his victory seems to be less certain.

Maybe campaigns do matter.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.