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To be a female voter in Canada is to have other people most of whom, it must be said, are not female tell you what your problems are.  The most recent example is International Trade Minister François-Philippe Champagne's announcement of forthcoming trade missions for women, as well as LGBTQ and Indigenous Canadians, at the party's national convention in Halifax, the idea being that "those who have been ignored in the past" "have not fully shared in the benefits of trade."

Like many of the Liberals' previous feminist initiatives, this one is not negative.  But it leaves a plurality of real-life women at a loss to explain how it will help them.  Female business owners are a narrow segment of voters, and female business owners who benefit from government cheerleading are narrower still.  Yet Champagne would have you believe this trade mission is for the good of women, period.

This isn't new.  When Canadian politicians talk about "women," they are usually talking about their woman: a female voter who has been reverse-engineered to like their platform and match their target demographics.  She may only exist in speeches, but you can see her reflected in every policy proposal aimed at women.  Marketers have created customer archetypes this way for generations.  In the era of voter microtargeting, however, parties risk being tuned out by women who don't match the archetype.

Nevertheless, they persist.  Here are the model female voters you can expect for the 2019 election:

Liberal: Amy (age 25-45) lives in or within a short commute of a major city.  She has a professional degree, or some certifications on top of her undergraduate degree.  She works full-time for a major company and is eager to move up to the C-suite.  She is married to someone with a very similar socioeconomic status to her own.  They have one or two children, and their biggest sources of stress are the costs of their mortgage and daycare.  Amy considers herself a feminist, which she defines simply as equality between women and men, and participates in a number of women's leadership groups around town.  Politically, her biggest priority is gender equality in corporate Canada.

Conservative: Donna (age 35-60) lives in a mid-size city, or within an hour's commute of a major city.  She has a university degree.  She works part-time in a position that is not prestigious, but offers a flexible schedule and decent pay.  She is married to someone in a higher-pay, higher-stress position than her own.  They invariably have two or more children, and the cost and schedule of their kids' activities is their biggest source of stress.  Donna is not a fan of the word "feminist," although if you ask, she'll say women and men should be equal.  Politically, her biggest priority is community safety.

NDP: Jodie (age 18-35) lives in the core of the city where she earned her first social science degree, and is working toward a master's.  She works part-time in a community health clinic.  She is involved in a number of local activist groups and can often be seen at marches and rallies around town.  She is currently single and does not see herself having children.  Her biggest source of stress is her student debt.  She fully embraces the word "feminist," although she believes feminism has largely failed to address race and gender identity.  Politically, her biggest priority is climate change.

Who is missing from partisan Canada's outreach to women?  (Besides me, I mean.  Nobody speaks to a Canadian voter of any sex whose biggest priorities are international labour mobility and flattening the tax code.)  Note that while all of the above women have things to worry about, none of them are truly suffering.  They're educated, employed, and free to pursue their interests.  The single mother in public housing, the cancer patient waiting months on end for life-saving surgery, the lifelong mill worker witnessing the collapse of her hometown's economy in real time where are they?  Afterthoughts, at best.  For each party, the model female voter is the profitable female voter.  The one who can be persuaded to write them a check if you promise the right roundtable or tax credit or grant.  But women with real problems require too much work.

And if a woman is not truly suffering, if she's simply not ambitious enough to be Amy, not low-key enough to be Donna, and not passionate enough to be Jodie, she's too inscrutable even for lip service.  She's the first to tune everyone out.

Photo Credit: Toronto Star

Written by Jess Morgan

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


On a rainy Tuesday night in Woodbridge, Ontario, throngs of provincial Liberal Party supporters packed into Montecassino Place Banquet Hall for the nomination meeting and rally for Liberal MPP and Minister of Economic Development and Growth Steven Del Duca, who is running as the first OLP candidate in the new riding of Vaughan-Woodbridge — one of fifteen seats being added to Queen's Park this election (which will make the new seat count 122 at the provincial legislature after this election).

Despite the tea leaves showing the Liberals may get trounced this election — polls repeatedly show the Liberals well behind the Progressive Conservatives, sometimes even third behind the NDP — the mood was very upbeat for Del Duca's rally and nomination meeting, where about 1,000 showed up to support him.

Outside the hall, dozens upon dozens of LiUNA Local 183 members stood outside chanting, "Hey, hey, ho! Del Duca has go to go!"  The union members were protesting the changes in Liberals' 2018 budget that they believe strips away their collective bargaining rights.  They also set up a large inflatable rat holding an alliterative sign reading "Dirty Deal Del Duca".

No matter the potential harbingers of the rain, protesters and polling for the impending fate of the OLP, the atmosphere inside the packed hall juxtaposed the outside tumult with enthusiasm, albeit not quite on par with recent Ford rallies, but not too far off.

This wasn't a typical party riding association's nomination meeting.  Attending Del Duca's de facto pre-launch bid to replace Wynne as OLP leader were some other eminent political figures.  Former Prime Minister Jean Chretien, former Liberal MPP for Vaughan and Minister of Finance Greg Sorbara, and Vaughan mayor Maurizio Bevilacqua all were in attendance and gave lengthy speeches praising Del Duca.

Del Duca, a Liberal MPP since 2012 and former union administrator, has been one of the stronger and more prominent members of Premier Kathleen Wynne's cabinet in his previous role as Minister of Transportation, moved to the position of Minister of Economic Development and Growth in a recent cabinet shuffle.  In the Vaughan-Woodbridge Liberal riding association press release, his "achievements" listed were all government facilities and transportation projects he had been able to get for Vaughan, including the city's first subway, connection to the Highway 427 extension, a new hospital, six new schools, and "increased GO train service".

Absent was the direct mention of the contentious Kirby GO Station, planned to be built in Del Duca's riding, the Ministry of Transportation announced as one of twelve new stations, even though it hadn't been approved by Metrolinx and the agency's own reports suggested the Kirby station would result in a drop in overall ridership on that GO line.

In an election where many Liberal seats are up for grabs, Del Duca, if the nomination meeting is any indicator, is clearly popular with his constituents, likely due in large part to his ability to get government facilities and transportation projects built in his riding.

Former PM Chretien's speech was well-received and indirectly touched on a couple of elephants in the room.

"To be a Liberal is to be fiscally responsible and socially preoccupied," said Chretien to the rapturous crowd.

Yet, on Wednesday the Ontario Auditor General Bonnie Lysyk would come out with a scathing report deeming the Liberal government's financial books "not reasonable" because her office believes the Liberals are understating the deficit by $5 billion this year, which would mean the current deficit is around $11 billion.  Furthermore, the Liberal government plans to run deficits for several more years, even though annual provincial interest payments on the debt are already the fourth largest expense item in the provincial budget, and that's with interest rates being currently low.  A Globe and Mail report over the weekend explained how the Liberal government refinanced the Hydro debt in a convoluted way, likely resulting in the province having to pay an additional $4 billion in interest payments to service that debt.

Premier Wynne's government has been anything but fiscally responsible.

"[Wynne] has shown a lot of courage in front of very difficult files," said Chretien, going on to praise Wynne's leadership.

Yet Chretien flew to Toronto, at the age of 84, to be at Del Duca's nomination meeting, indicating Del Duca wanted him there to raise his profile before the likely events of the Liberals losing the impending election, Wynne stepping down as the leader of the OLP, and Del Duca throwing his hat into the ring to replace her.  At the nomination meeting I couldn't help but think, just as the rain, protesters and polls foreshadow the demise of the current Liberal government, the enthusiasm in that room signified a not-too-distant future rejuvenation to come.

Photo Credit: Yorkregion.com

Written by Graeme C. Gordon

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


What is it about sudden tragedy that makes us act so irrationally?

In this case, when I say "us," I mean us in the media.  We like to think of ourselves as the arbiters of truth.  The valiant observers providing facts and balance to any given situation.  The writers of the first draft of history.

But when something large and awful happens so much of the idealism and the commitment to upholding standards slips away.  In the heat and adrenaline of the moment, we take chances, cut corners, and let our guard down.  And in doing so, risk everything for the glory of a scoop.

The van attack this week in Toronto offers two examples of this media recklessness, with two different outcomes.

The first instance is the more obviously glaring.  During the opening few hours after the van attack, little was known.  It always happens like this.  But breaking news requires information, so journalists turn to eye witnesses.  The trouble with eye witnesses is they don't always have as clear a memory as they might think.  They certainly have information they can give to reporters giving everyone an idea of what happened, but what they say should be treated with caution.

CBC News Network anchor Natasha Fatah was not, shall we say, very cautious on Monday.  As things were unfolding she was doing what everyone else was: watching TV for information.  But she was also tweeting what she was seeing, and because she's a journalist what she tweets has special weight, an implied credibility.

So when she tweeted "Witness to truck ramming into pedestrians tells local Toronto TV station that the driver looked wide-eyed, angry and Middle Eastern," this spread like wildfire.  It did so for two, fairly obvious, reasons.  One, it fit the easily applicable narrative that this was some sort of Islamic terror attack.  People see "Middle Eastern" in connection with death and destruction and they assume "terrorist" and run from there.  Second, this is a CBC journalist saying this.  That has real weight.

It also had permanence.  Where a quick segment on a live TV news report might have slipped off into the ether, this tweet stuck around.

The weight and the permanence of it meant it spread to all the worst corners of the internet — Breitbart, Faith Goldy, etc. â€” where stories were written how it was a "Middle Eastern terrorist" who was killing people in Toronto.

The second instance of media recklessness came later in the day.  News outlets — Global News and CBC among them — began running stories about a Facebook post the apparent killer made in the minutes before beginning his rampage.  It was a possible manifest of sorts, laying out the driver's grievances in a cryptic way, suggesting he was an "involuntary celibate" — put plainly, a man who wants to have sex, but hasn't.

The trouble with this post is they couldn't verify it was real.  A cached version of CBC's story from the day reads: "CBC News has not been able to independently verify whether the Facebook post was, indeed, written by [the alleged driver] or created after that fact and intended to mislead."

Not being able to verify the thing they were putting so much focus didn't stop the CBC or others from heavily reporting on it all the same.

Now, for this facet of the story I could pick on any number of outlets who ran with this bit of information before it was verified.  But none of the others were quite so smug about taking such an obvious risk.  Rosemary Barton, for one, has mistaken luck for providence.  "I should probably tag some people in this but I won't," the National co-anchor tweeted Tuesday after it was confirmed by Facebook the post was real*.

I wonder if Barton would have been quite so bold had the post turned out to be fake.  I presume not.  And that's the trouble, if it had been fake, we'd be in all sorts of trouble.

Both of the incidents are emblematic of a problem that happens time and time again.  The only difference between them is the second turned out to be true.

In his compelling book Columbine, David Cullen traces the origins of the first modern school shooting.  But more than that, he untangles the myths and false narratives that sprung up very early in that tragedy.  He give particular focus to the idea the two shooters were part of the "Trench Coat Mafia" and were targeting jocks and others who had bullied them in a methodical revenge plan.

The plot as many remember it — I know I certainly did — was a story of two loners taking their revenge on the people who tormented them most as part of some goth pseudo-cult.  That myth started very early, in the first hours of reporting, and never really let go.  But the two killers weren't part of the Trench Coat Mafia.

"TV journalists were actually careful.  They used attribution and disclaimers like 'believed to be' or 'described as.' …Only a handful of students mentioned the TCM during the first five hours of CNN coverage — virtually all fed from local news stations.  But reporters homed in on the idea.  They were responsible about how they addressed the rumours, but blind to the impact of how often," Cullen writes.

This sounds familiar, doesn't it?

That's all from a book published eight years ago, about an event ten years before that.  The lessons in it are stark.  It lays out how a cascade of loose reporting and a media feedback loop hardened into a false narrative the public, because they were told it was the truth, quite obviously believed it.

In the days since the attack in Toronto, we're already starting to see a narrative form on who this person was and what led him to kill so many people.  But this is based on scant information, gleaned in the early days.

A host of factors, laid out like a chain through time, led this man here to kill at least ten people.  What we have now are only a few of those links.  Rushing to conclusions will only hide from us the truth of what happened.

It would be nice if we in the media kept that in mind as we chase glory through the streets.

***

* It seems Facebook has a policy to pull down the accounts of accused mass murderers, which is good.  But announcing that policy the day after the post has been taken down is not the best way to go about things, perhaps.

Photo Credit: CBC News

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.