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I suppose it's terribly cliché to write a column about just how awful things are in politics, but dear reader, I am reaching the end of my patience, and trust me when I say that as someone who has sat through virtually every question period for almost ten years, I have a high threshold.  And yet here we are.

Vague statements and obfuscation are nothing new in politics.  It's how we've conditioned politicians to start speaking because it's safer than saying something they might regret.  Ask a direct question?  Get a lengthy response on how the government's plans are the greatest thing since sliced bread.  Sometimes, if you're lucky, you do get a direct answer, and you can file your story with a small sense of vindication.  At the height of scandal, direct questions have been met with all manner of non sequitur, fog, and obfuscation.  Recall Paul Calandra and the homilies of his parents' pizza shop, or lessons he was trying to impart to his daughters.  It's frustrating stuff, but you kept at it in the hopes that maybe, just maybe, the veneer would crack.

But political communications evolve, as with anything, and in my own particular declinist pessimism, it's rarely for the better.  We went from a system where MPs would debate legislation to reading speeches into the record because the rule changes we made to "encourage" debate did the opposite it created defined spaces of time to be filled with words.  Question Period went from actual back-and-forth debates to creating a buffet of media clips for the evening news, to content creation for social media campaigns.  And now it is sinking yet again.

At some point, the Liberals decided that all of their responses needed to include slogans, which would eat up time, and reinforce their messaging.  Sometimes you could angle a relevant talking point in there, but it seemed to be increasingly unnecessary.  Their first few months didn't seem to have this obsession with sticking to message we had ministers who were being entrusted to answer on behalf of their departments in a forthright manner, and I have vague recollections that they actually did so.  But as time went on, the tighter message control started to come in, and so came in the notion that the response to any question would be to load it up with pabulum.  When you had a crisis?  Pabulum.  Accusations levelled at the minister?  Pabulum.  Whether the instinct was to not answer with anger, or to try to find a better method of deflection, the default response to virtually any issue is now pabulum.  Eventually, a real answer might develop, but better be safe in the meantime and stick to the pabulum.

And eventually, the Conservatives clued into this, and realized that they could start lobbing any accusation out there, and the government wouldn't refute it they would simply deliver another spoonful of pabulum.  And the accusations got wilder, and the anchor to reality ever more tenuous.  Those personal corporation tax changes that were specifically geared toward those highest income earners using corporations as tax shelters?  That was an attack on "local business" and going after mom and pop shops, roofers, and farmers.  Sure, there were some verifiable flaws with the proposals, but we never heard them from the opposition only the caricature.  Meanwhile, did Bill Morneau properly refute this?  It was a steady stream of pabulum until weeks later, by which point the narrative had become about how he was protecting family fortunes by going after the little guy (never mind that it literally was not).

Knowing that they could get away with it, the Conservatives made this their play.  You can't even call it truthiness because that implies that they believe something to be true in spite the facts.  No, this is pure cynicism.  It's treating the viewing public like idiots because they know that the government won't call them on it, and the media is gun shy about calling it out as it happens because they don't want to come off as biased in favour of the government.  Yes, you'll get a Baloney Meter reading from the Canadian Press in a couple of days, but by then, they've repeated the narrative eleventy times over social media, asked the question in the House disingenuously, framed the issue in the most mendacious way possible, and the government refuses to call them on it.  They just offer more pabulum, and maybe by day two or three, they'll push back a little bit, but the gloves won't come off.  And this is a problem not only for the government, but for the viewing public because any semblance of truth is out the window.

And now the Conservatives are using this loose relationship with the truth with complete impunity.  The India trip has been derided as a complete disaster that has caused irreparable harm with our diplomatic relationship with India which is a complete fabrication.  An even bigger fabrication was the notion that the increased tariffs on chickpeas was a direct result of the trip, never mind that they actually hit Australia harder than Canada (who exports very few of those particular pulses to India), or the fact that the tariffs have to do with domestic Indian politics and the fact that there is a global supply glut.  The economic relationship with India post-visit is status quo.  The truth of the matter is that in the grand scheme of things, Canada is virtually irrelevant in India's considerations but you'll never hear the government call this out.  Instead we get some pabulum about how valuable our relationship with India is.

The Conservatives have also made a big deal in the last week about carbon pricing and demanding to know exactly how many tonnes of GHGs will be reduced by a $50/tonne carbon price.  Apparently, carbon pricing is like an SO2 scubber on a smokestack, as opposed to a market signal that internalizes the costs of emissions and incentivizes companies innovate in order to reduce those costs and encourages consumers to make better choices.  But because Catherine McKenna couldn't actually say that, and instead just talked around the issue with pabulum about how the environment and the economy go together, the narrative has become that this is just a tax grab, and that she refuses to answer a simple question.  Because the government refuses to refute it.

Whether this particular government strategy is supposed to be about always presenting positive messages, or to not be seen to be defensive, it means that there is nobody standing up for truth, or context at the very least.  It's completely debasing politics, and we're letting them get away with it.  How is that any way to run a country?

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Here we go again.  The federal government is blithely running big deficits despite total "market debt" exceeding $1 trillion.  The Alberta government is pumping out red ink the way the province used to produce black gold.  And Ontario is accelerating toward the debt wall.  How did it come to this after all the "lessons" we supposedly learned in the 1990s, across the spectrum?

The cynical answer is obvious.  Politicians always overspend.  So is Milton Friedman's more structural argument that governments will spend whatever they take in, plus whatever they can get away with.  But the question then becomes why do they want to and why do they get away with it?

Again, the immediate answer is obvious.  It's more fun to spend than save.  And they get away with it because we want them to spend.  But let's keep digging.  What is the mindset, theirs and ours, that leads to this result?

It is, I think, both simple and profound.  They, and we, genuinely believe government spending is more productive than the private kind.  Mighty few of us would tell pollsters we believed such an absurdity.  And mighty few of us realize we think it.  But how do people react to, say, a government daycare program?

They applaud it because, they assume, the cost of the program will be smaller than the productive surge unleashed by allowing so many women to return to work sooner.  It is not obvious why they make this assumption, since if women believe they would be better off working than paying the full cost of daycare, they could make that arrangement privately.

If they did it would necessarily benefit everyone because private contracts depend on everyone liking the deal: the woman, her employer and the daycare provider.  But when government takes her money, and probably a lot of other people's as well, and gives it to someone those paying for it didn't choose under terms they did not negotiate, there's very little reason to think the gain from doing so will be larger than the loss from the freely chosen conduct it displaces.  Whereas there's a very big reason to think it won't.

It's called the debt.

No, really.  The tendency of governments to sink deeper in debt the more they spend wouldn't happen if most of what they did actually generated more benefits than costs.  At some point we should realize we're in the position of the salesman in the old huckster's joke about losing money on every sale but making it up on volume.

We are told public spending makes us richer and happier in good times and bad.  Yet the more governments spend, the more they need to spend and, crucially, the bigger the gap between revenue and expenditure.  Not because revenue is falling, which it rarely does.  But because these programs make needs bigger and resources to meet them smaller.

To say this truth is resisted would be a grievous understatement.  Consider that both the Ontario and federal governments promised restraint and balanced budgets because for some reason the loser voters wanted it or the dang numbers just kept coming out wrong.  It was never heartfelt.

They never thought, or pretended to think, less government meant a happier society with happier citizens.  They just felt trapped.  And when, for whatever reason, they saw a way not to keep their pledges they weren't worried or disappointed.  They were relieved.  They were chortling, clapping and high-fiving each other.

Even the Harper Tories acted as if they believed every dollar spent on a social program, barring what they consider very rare cases of poor design, will yield more than a dollar of social benefit.  (Jim Flaherty couldn't pronounce "Keynesian" but he was one.)  And because it doesn't, their math always comes out wrong.

So back to them getting away with it.  When we voters hear that government is expanding something, from socialized medicine to export subsidies, we don't think wait, that's another dollar diverted from efficient private to less efficient public use.  We think great, more for everyone.

Not all of us, of course.  And not all the time.  But far too many people out there do, including any number of "conservative" politicians who stamp and snort about excessive government then can't name a single program they think costs more than it is worth.

Why?  Because they genuinely believe every dollar government spends either (a) comes from nowhere or (b) is spent more productively than if left in our hands.

Sooner or later reality smashes this illusion.  Probably sooner in Ontario, the most indebted subnational government on the planet.  But we can avoid the crash if we can just shake off an illusion we know is an illusion, that government spends money efficiently.

Otherwise here we go again, hurling ourselves toward the wall.

Photo Credit: Jeff Burney, Loonie Politics

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.