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Doug Ford has a problem.  But it's not what you might think.  It's the Ontario budget.

Of course he has to win the election first.  And many pundits think his big problem in doing so is one Douglas Bruce Ford Jr.  But they've been wrong about populists before.  I myself was convinced Donald Trump could not win the Republican nomination let alone (ptoo ptoo spitting out crow feathers here) the presidency.  And many people saying Ford is a risky bet or long shot for premier were also pretty sure he couldn't win the Ontario PC leadership.

My view is that people are so tired of Kathleen Wynne's Liberals that he has a safer path to power than it might seem.  He could bungle it with outrageous statements, have a chorus line of skeletons come rattling out of his closet or otherwise lose.  But he could easily win, including by not being Wynne and uttering harmless generalities that dramatically understate the problems he would face as premier.

I recently worried in the National Post that Ford "seems to have no more idea what government should stop doing than" his Ontario Tory rivals who mostly had none.  So he already cheered me up by urging competition in sales of alcohol and marijuana in Ontario.  Government should regulate not deliver, whether it's booze or banking.  (And not overregulate, I might add.)  OK, he didn't actually say the LCBO should be scrapped.  But an instinct to separate regulation from provision is a glimmer of hope.

He's going to need a lot more.  Like many self-proclaimed conservative politicians, he says the right abstract things, like Tuesday's "I don't believe in government being in our lives and dictating how we should live."  But then he promised not one public servant would lose their job, and there would be no reduction in health care spending, which accounts for over 42% of program spending in Ontario ($52.2 billion out of $123.5 billion in 2016).  Which suggests he doesn't understand Ontario's spending problem.

It's massive.  Spending has gone from $68 billion in Mike Harris's final year to $134 billion 15 years later.  At least on book.  One of the weirdest things about Ontario provincial budgets is they show deficits small and shrinking but debt rising fast, a scam that would land a private sector accountant in jail that depends on moving a bunch of capital spending "off book" to hide the true size of the deficit.  (For instance, for 2016-17 they showed a $1.5 billion deficit and a $7.4 billion increase in debt.)

Balancing the actual rather than paper budget was thus going to require much bigger spending cuts and/or revenue increases than it appeared even before finance minister Charles Sousa recently pledged to plunge back into deficit.  "We are making a choice," he claimed.  "We are committing to more support for social and developmental services, more supports for mental health and healthcare programs, more supports for students."  But as the National Post editorialized, "The problem is that this government refuses to make choices."  Will Doug Ford?

He'd better, because the problem is dynamic not static.  It must not be assumed that the budget is temporarily out of balance due to some external shock or sheer carelessness, so the only real problem is closing the gap between current revenue and current spending.

Revenue has been growing massively, from around $68 billion in 2002 to $133 billion in 2016.  So if you could get it to keep growing by, say, $4 billion a year, you'd… go bankrupt, even if interest rates don't rise.  And while a better tax system, fewer stifling regulations and sensible privatization might enable you to get it up to $6 billion, we have learned, or should have, from Ontario, Alberta, Canada, every other province, Britain, the United States, France and so forth that, as Milton Friedman once put it, governments will spend whatever they take in plus whatever they can get away with.

It's baked in, leading to a crushing tax burden with pernicious impacts on everything from entrepreneurship to demographics, because the big social programs necessarily reward precisely the behaviour they wish to discourage.  So the more we spend on them the more we need to spend, and no amount of revenue will satisfy their appetite.  Or, to be blunt, ours.

The problem is not insoluble.  We've seen voters, in Alberta under Ralph Klein and Mike Harris in Ontario, respond to calls to fix the mess with strong measures.  We've generally not seen the strong measures; even Klein, after a few years of restraint, sent spending through the roof.  But if Doug Ford doesn't want to clean up the mess it's unclear why he's running.  And if he does, he has to understand how bad it is.

Tough-minded management, honesty and some fiddling at the margins won't fix things.  Which is why his problem isn't getting elected.  It's governing a province whose finances are structurally out of control.

Photo Credit: CBC News

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


I must say, when I left Ontario, I didn't think my most common feeling toward my home province would be one of pity.  I certainly didn't expect I'd look back across the border from my new home in Quebec and think how glad I was to now live in such a stable, well-governed land.  But here we are.

Governed for so long so poorly, here you are now being handed, as your next best option Doug Ford.

First, let's take care of a popular current bit of commentary.  It's very conventional right now to argue whether this is Ontario's Donald Trump moment.  I'm not sure it's particularly useful to compare them man to man.  I could point to one policy they agree on, you could point to one they disagree on.  I could point to a dumb thing one said and you could point to a counter example.  And so we would circle one another like a dog and its tail.  Spinning round and round, chasing nothing.

So, whether Doug — and he prefers you call him Doug — is like Donald doesn't really matter.  What does matter is that Doug is a ragged and empty brain with a large, loud maw.

You can see examples of who the new Progressive Conservative leader really is in an interview he did this week with CBC Ottawa's Robyn Bresnahan.  All of Doug's most glaring faults really shine through.

First, the man comes across as a particularly charmless villain.  There's a snide boorishness in everything he does.  He got into the habit as the interview went on of telling Besnahan he'd worked in business, and she hadn't, so shut up.  Which if you're a big Doug fan, you probably eat that kind of stuff right up.  "Putting that media elite in their snooty place, hell yeah!"

At one point when questioned about how he plans to rein in spending he says, "You haven't done it, I've done it.  Next question."  Which is classic Emily Post charm.  Instead of Premier Dad or Premier Grandma, Doug offers Ontario the option of Premier Assbutt.

Listening to Doug rail against the media during a nearly 20-minute CBC interview does have a certain gleeful stupidity to it.  But that's maybe just a style thing that doesn't make enough of a difference to matter.  So what if he's mean to an interviewer.  He's running against "the media" and there's going to be some of this.

But it's when he gets into explaining what this is all about, what it is he wants to do as the political head of the province, that things get truly fun.

When asked by Bresnahan how it is he plans to cut taxes, somehow skip around a federally mandated carbon tax, increase services, and lower debt, Doug talks about efficiencies.  Now, this part is nothing new.  His late brother Rob went on about efficiencies.  What is interesting is the way he talks about finding these efficiencies.

Doug talks an awful lot like a management guru for a populist man of the people.  "We're going to find efficiencies, we're going to drive efficiencies by driving lean systems, best practices, and technology," he says.

And what does that mean?  Press him on the point and he dodges away by repeating the same sort of empty jargon you see huckster consultants throw around in the board room.  It's all about finding "synergies" and "lean systems," everything's a buzzword whose meaning seems just out of grasp.  But he does hint later on that there's a firmer meaning to "efficiencies."

"I don't believe in the word cuts, I believe in the word efficiencies."  What he wants that to mean is hocus pocus and paradigm shifting will save a bunch of money.  But to me, it comes across he just doesn't want to say cuts, because that would be bad politics (See: Hudak, Tim).

But all of this may be irrelevant.  A sack of russet potatoes with a history of sexual harassment has a better-than-even shot at becoming premier.

For each genuinely good and progressive policy the Liberal government has enacted, they seem to have a knack for doing something greedy and underhanded alongside.  Take the absurdly high price of keeping the lights on.  Rather than, say, tackle the underlying problems of high hydro prices, the government sells off a majority of its shares in the utility and then buys off short-term relief for customers with a rebate paid for with debt.

There are plenty of examples of this sort of thing.  You've probably got one of your own that eats at you.  What they all add up to in the grand ledger of provincial rule is poor governance.  For every act of vision, there's an instance of buying people off to save their own ass.

And so this is the choice* Ontarians are left with.  A government run by the same people that have been doing it so badly these last 15 years, or a government run by a boorish meathead.

It's a choice I sure am glad I don't have to make.

***

*(If you're wondering where the NDP fits into all of this, know that I am too.  Leader Andrea Horwath has proven to be a lacklustre campaigner, with odd ideas to focus on.  Does "dirty diesel trains" ring any bells?  Is the NDP leftish and populist or just populist?  I dunno.  At the risk of putting myself in the position to eat my own hat, I don't know the NDP will be much of a factor this time around.)

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.