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People would still have you believe that in his inglorious ousting from the leadership of the Progressive Conservatives, Patrick Brown was denied his sacred right to due process.

Here, just this week, the Toronto Sun published an editorial "Due process casualty in Brown scandal."  The argument goes, essentially, that Brown was accused of some bad behaviour, but he denied it.  Rather than weighing these things against each other and judging them, he was tossed down the steps of Queen's Park almost as fast as he could run down them.

It has the veneer of being compelling.  Why was this man so summarily tossed out on his ear?  He denied it after all.  And now a hole has been poked in the story: one of the accusers now says she was a year older — and therefore of drinking age — when she alleges Brown's misconduct took place.  In a new interview with Global News, Brown continues to insist on his innocence, pointing to this inconsistency and others to paint the whole enterprise as false.

So with all this coming to light, shouldn't he have been given a chance to prove himself innocent before he was removed as leader?

Well, no.

For starters, being a politician is not your usual job.  Party leader, even less so.  Brown isn't out there pushing paper in accounts receivable.  You can't just suspend him pending the outcome of an investigation, and know the organization will carry on without him.

This is a political party.  He was the face, the voice, and the guiding hand of an entire political movement.  He was credibly on track to become the premier.  And in a matter of months he was going to ask the people of Ontario to give him their votes.

From a point of pure political self-interest, how do the PCs keep the guy on?

We haven't even got to the point of whether the allegations were credible.  I don't think the newly revealed inconsistencies make the whole of the allegations false.  But my judgement doesn't really matter on this point.

What mattered was what his colleagues thought.  And they seemed to think everything was credible enough.  His staff, the people in his office closest to him, thought the allegations credible enough they told him he should resign right away.  Brown ignored their pleas, and instead gave a ghastly press conference where he denied everything, said he would be sticking around, and finished by being chased from the building.  His staff resigned, en masse, in the ensuing minutes.

Okay, so his hand-picked staff thought there was enough credibility to the allegations to want him gone.  But if his fellow PC MPPs stood by him, he could totally ride things out.  They offered him so much support Brown resigned as leader before dawn broke.

And it's worth noting through all this, Brown still has a job.  He's still an MPP for Barrie, where he draws a not-insignificant salary.  He's also still a member of the PC caucus.  He's not ruined, not yet.  He can still face his constituents in the next election and see if they'll vote him into the legislature for another term.

But still this due process cry goes around.

What due process amounts to in a case like this is essentially everyone pretending they didn't hear anything, didn't see anything, until some unknown point in the future when the full truth is known.  In the mean time, everyone should just, I guess, go on as if whole thing just didn't happen.  For this fantastic version of due process to run its course with no consequences, we'd all have to ignore the matter of Brown's possibly dubious moral character and predatory nature and let it slip into oblivion while we wait.

We're supposed to put it all aside because we don't know who's accusing him, and we weren't there, and there's not a jury around to convict or acquit, and the timeline is off, and on and on.  In a few months, we're to imagine that people of all kinds should vote for this man because there has been no legal judgement.

But this isn't a court of law.  Political office isn't held on the basis of being legally innocent.  Political leadership isn't an inalienable right.  There's no guarantee you get to be premier.

In the court of public opinion, no one is trying to lock him up, to deprive of him of his liberty.  No one is forcing him to pay anyone an indemnity of some kind.  His reputation is badly scarred, but if he can prove himself wrongly accused, that he's utterly blameless, there's no reason to think he couldn't make a comeback.  Everyone loves a comeback.

The court of public has judged him not for the gaol, but for the backbench.

In the end, it doesn't really matter whether Brown's ouster was based on moral calculation, or political calculation.  The answer was the right one, he had to go.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


2,000 New Democrats will gather this week in Ottawa for their biennial Convention.  The last time they did, they left Edmonton leaderless and divided over a proposal from outsiders: the Leap manifesto.

This is the opportunity for New Democrats to layout the direction of the Party under the new Leadership of Jagmeet Singh as the party moves forward towards the the 2019 election.

The challenges for Singh and his team have been obvious since October.  The NDP is still trailing behind the two other main parties in terms of polling, fundraising, and electoral tests.

Of course, it takes time for a leader to implement a new vision and make his mark on a party.  But time is running out and Singh needs to get everything in place quickly the election is only 18 months away.  This Convention might allow him to take an important step as the NDP tries to catch up with the others.  Singh can push the reset button, regain some of the momentum he lost since his leadership victory, and harness the energy and goodwill of NDP members as a springboard towards 2019.

First, Singh needs to build a bridge between long-standing New Democrats and the newer members he signed up to support his candidacy.  Many of them do not have a long history of political involvement and have never attended a political Convention before.  They might be in for a surprise… New Democrats have a proud tradition to debating issues to death, and revisiting policies they have already debated time and time again.  They love talking about party structure, internal governance and such other things that have no appeal to ordinary Canadians.  And they do not hesitate to raise points of order after points of privilege, making the proceedings unwatchable for all but the hardcore political junkies.

Of course, it is called the New Democratic Party for a reason, and it's not cosmetic.  New Democrats simply love healthy debates, it is what New Democrats have always done, since the era of Tommy Douglas.

Expect to hear a lot about inequalities, may they be economic, racial or gender-based.  The rhetoric will fly high as the party moves to make this a central plank if the next election platform.  Singh thrives on these issues, that is where he is at his best.  This is why Singh's NDP has called for specific action in the upcoming federal budget: more money for affordable housing, an end to boil-water advisories on First Nation reserves and better protections for workers' pensions when companies go bankrupt.  Another key plank will be a national pharmacare program, combining inequality with an NDP's favourite boilerplate issue: health care.

But some other issues will be more difficult.  Fear not, New Democrats will debate the future of Israel and Palestine, as they do at every Convention.  The Leap manifesto?  At the last NDP convention in 2016, delegates voted to keep discussing it until this convention, so there is no doubt it will be debated again even with the absence of the two main protagonists in the NDP pipeline civil war, Premier Rachel Notley of Alberta and Premier John Horgan of British-Columbia.

Singh has been careful not to take the leap on the Leap Manifesto and is trying his best not to take sides in the fight between Canada's two existing NDP governments.  Singh has said on many occasions that he wants to see concrete and bold action to fight climate change and protect the environment, while protecting workers during the transition that would occur.  That position is not that much different from the one advocated by Tom Mulcair during his tenure.  But the truth is that the Federal NDP Caucus has been at odds with Notley's government on the Kinder Morgan Trans Mountain expansion project, MP Kennedy Stewart going as far as predicting violence if the project was to move forward.

While these debates are happening, Jagmeet Singh will face his first confidence vote.  While nobody is predicting a result similar to Mulcair's 48% in Edmonton, Singh's team would be wise not to assume anything.  There has been grumblings about the slow transition and there is a clear appetite from many to see Singh pick up the pace.

New Democrats had high hopes for the party in the 2015 election, and Jagmeet Singh's love and courage message brought some of that hope back into their hearts.  Singh must now show a clear path forward to mobilize communities that feel ignored and disenfranchised.  He must show how he will convince voters disappointed with Justin Trudeau's many broken promises.  He must convince them to abandon the Red ship to jump aboard the Orange boat.  In theory, that is a sizable constituency.  Now is the time to transform it into a real one, if the party is to grow in 2019.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.