LP_468x60
ontario news watch
on-the-record-468x60-white
and-another-thing-468x60

Canadian conservatives are perpetually perplexed at the perceived double-standard exhibited by their liberal progressive counterparts when it comes to religion.

And if you're a conservative you know exactly what I'm referring to.

On the one hand, liberal progressives seem to celebrate and accept Islam, while on the other, they seem to hold Christianity — more specifically Roman Catholicism in something approaching thinly veiled contempt.

Some conservatives blame this double standard on political correctness, while others contend it's just a case of old-fashioned political pandering.

And yes, those two things might play a part in it, but in my view, the liberal progressive attitude towards religion is based on something far deeper, something far more primal.

OK, at this point, I should point out that to understand where I'm going with this argument, you'll probably need to get a hold of history book.

I'll wait.

Alright, if you check your history book, you'll find that liberal progressives have basically been waging an ideological blood feud against Roman Catholicism for about three hundred years.

To put that another way, ever since the "Enlightenment", people who consider themselves "liberal" or "progressive" have seen the Roman Catholic Church as humanity's greatest mortal enemy.

And it's easy to see why this is the case.

Liberal progressives have traditionally seen themselves as standing for progress, for science, for democracy, for equality, while they have traditionally seen the Roman Catholic Church as standing for stagnation,  superstition, tyranny, and intolerance.

Simply put, the Catholic Church, with its inquisitions and heretic burnings, its decadent popes and medieval mysticism; its hierarchical structure and anarchistic moral values, has basically always been perceived by liberal progressives as an institution that's irredeemably entrenched in a "Dark Ages" mentality.

Thus, for hundreds of years liberal progressives saw the Church as a roadblock to human progress, and by extension as a dangerous and reactionary force that must be vigorously resisted, if not totally ripped out by its ecclesiastical roots.

Your history book will tell you, for instance, that during the French Revolution, one of the first moves of liberal progressive revolutionaries, aka the "Jacobins", was to nationalize Churches and to exile or execute priests.

They literally sought to replace the God of Christ with the Goddess of Reason.

Even today, after three centuries of modernization, secularization and liberalization in society, the liberal progressive psyche still harbors this inherent fear of Catholicism, which is why, although they no longer execute priests, they remain strongly suspicious of the Church and sometimes resist its dogma with uncompromising zeal.

One example of such uncompromising zeal is the modern liberal progressive's vehement (fanatic?) resistance to the Catholic Church's position opposing abortion.

To put it bluntly, liberal progressives see this anti-abortion stance as something conceived in the darkest pit of religious ignorance, making it so obviously retrograde, so obviously irrational, so obviously anti-freedom, so obviously on the "wrong side" of history that its moral wickedness is deemed to be clearly beyond debate.

Hence, in the minds of liberal progressives, anyone in modern society who supports the Church's position on abortion is not only wrong, they're also deluded or perhaps even mentally unstable certainly, they're unfit to hold public office.

This is why the Liberal Party, under the leadership of that supreme liberal progressive, Justin Trudeau, purged its ranks of pro-lifers; this is why New Democrats and Liberal MPs walked out of a committee meeting rather than voting in a pro-life colleague as their chair; this is why political leaders like Jason Kenney and Andrew Scheer, who are deemed to be "too Roman Catholic" will be relentlessly ridiculed and attacked.

At any rate, my main point is the liberal progressive antagonism to Catholicism has deep historic roots.

And this is where Islam is different.

Even though the Islamic religion is just as socially conservative (if not more so), as modern-day Roman Catholicism, liberal progressives in the Western World have no history of confronting or battling Islam on an ideological level, meaning it's simply not part of their intellectual DNA.

As a consequence, they have a blind spot when it comes to perceiving the danger Islamic dogma might pose to their modern liberal progressive values.

Indeed, due to their historic bias, liberal progressives tend to see Muslims as victims of Catholic intolerance and oppression check your history book and look up the Crusades.

Mind you, things might have been different if history had taken an alternate course.

If you flip through your history book one more time, you'll see that back in 732 AD a Muslim army invaded France where it was defeated by the Frankish warlord, Charles the Hammer, (probably the coolest name in history) at the Battle of Tours.

This is considered one of history's most decisive military encounters because if "The Hammer" had lost, the Muslims could have gone on to conquer Western Europe, meaning, as 18th century historian Edward Gibbon put it, "the interpretation of the Koran would now be taught in the schools of Oxford, and her pulpits might demonstrate to a circumcised people the sanctity and truth of the revelation of Mohammed."

So, perhaps a Caliph would have ruled in Rome and emirs would have held sway in London and Paris.

In such a case, Enlightenment thinkers (assuming the Enlightenment could actually occur in a Muslim Europe) might have seen Islam as the enemy of modernity, a feeling which might have persisted into today.

But the Franks did win the Battle of Tours, and liberal progressive attitudes and prejudices are what they are.

Can things change?

Sure they can; in fact, if Canadian Muslims start asserting their dogma more aggressively, than it's possible the liberal progressive double standard towards religion might eventually fade away.

And by fade away, I mean, when liberal progressives regard Islam and Roman Catholicism, they will both be viewed as equally intolerable.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


If you would have trouble naming Canada's most conservative prime minister, author Bob Plamondon suggests, you might be you're looking at the wrong party.  He says it's Jean Chrétien, which partly speaks well of Chrétien and partly speaks very poorly of Tory PM's generally.

Plamondon, whose The Truth about Trudeau was an excruciatingly compelling assessment of our 15th Prime Minister's toxic impact on Canada's economy, society and unity, makes a strong case for Chrétien in his new book The Shawinigan Fox and also in a talk he gave to POGG Canada's January 13 luncheon.

In part he praises Chrétien's calm, decisive and modest leadership style, in stark contrast to Paul Martin who comes across in the book as vain and indecisive.  As they say, Chrétien was ambitious to do something, Martin to be somebody.

Is this sort of leadership style "conservative"?  To some extent yes.  In place of visionary oratory uncoupled from any sense of practicality, Chrétien understood that reality is tricky.  For years he was therefore the Liberals' go-to guy on difficult files, from Treasury Board to the Constitution to post-NEP Energy.  And Plamondon notes that people often think because he served Trudeau Sr. so well, he must have been a philosophical soul-mate.  But he wasn't.

As head of Treasury Board he was nicknamed "Dr. No" by his colleagues.  And while it wasn't meant as praise he took it as such.  He had what were once called small-town virtues of frugality and hard work.  And while he was no libertarian, he favoured social programs that tried to reward enterprise not laziness, he saw laziness in much the same way normal Canadians do.  Indeed, Plamondon argues that while Martin got the credit for balancing the budget, hogged it even, Chrétien provided the real brains and spine behind this achievement.  Martin, he says, was not the "blue Liberal" of mythology any more than he was the great leader-in-waiting.

Plamondon's defence of Chrétien's conservatism looks primarily to economics and character, while also praising his unexpected and unappreciated achievements on national unity.  And I would object that Chrétien's neglect of the military was both distressing and unconservative.  But it was hardly unusual; as Jack Granatstein argued in Who Killed Canada's Military? a long series of prime ministers lowered the bar on spending abetted by a public that didn't care.  Stephen Harper spent even less of GDP on defence than in the supposed Chrétien "decade of darkness".  (Speaking of character, it is also noteworthy that while francophone Quebecers were generally indifferent or hostile to Canada's role in the Second World War, Chrétien's father not only voted for conscription, he insisted that his military-age sons be not conscripts but volunteers.)

On social issues, it might seem absurd to call Chrétien conservative by comparison with any prime minister before 1960, and even to a surprising degree Trudeau Sr., all of whom would have recoiled in horror from proposals for unrestricted abortion, no-fault divorce and other manifestations of the sexual revolution that by the late Chrétien years it was considered horrifying to oppose.  But here we must judge Chrétien in context, since Liberal prime ministers as late as Louis St. Laurent, to say nothing of Alexander Mackenzie or Wilfrid Laurier, would also have recoiled in horror from the big spending interventionism that by the Mulroney years was also Tory dogma.  And certainly no conservative prime minister has done anything to stand against the social temper of the times.

Unlike Chrétien. It is easy to forget, as Liberals probably want us to, that parliament twice voted to affirm traditional marriage in the 1990s, including Chrétien himself in 1999 and I believe his entire cabinet.  If by the end of his time in office he had come to see gay marriage, like abortion, as required by the liberal commitment to rights, it cannot be imagined that in a socially conservative age the personally traditional Chrétien would have pushed for a relaxation of laws or conventions.

If all these considerations make him at best a lukewarm conservative, the troubling question is which "Conservative" Prime Minister can possibly be regarded as more true blue?  Never mind their rhetoric.  Look at their accomplishments, if that's the right word.  And again it will not do to observe that Sir John A. or Robert Borden did not embrace social engineering on the scale of the 1990s; neither did any Liberals before Pearson.

Judged against their times, and by their response to contemporary challenges, Conservative prime ministers from Clark through Harper simply don't measure up.  They didn't roll back the state, fix the tax code or do anything socially conservative and they neglected or starved the military.

What Chrétien would think of being conservative I do not know.  But it ought to embarrass the heck out of the guys and gals across the aisle.

Photo Credit: Toronto Star

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


What is it about mediocre coffee that gets people in this godforsaken icehole we call Canada so excited?

Tim Hortons is at the centre of the fight over workers and wages in Ontario, as the province raises the minimum wage to $15 an hour.  And it's hard not to think this is exactly what we, as a country, deserve our politics to revolve around.

For ages, our politicians — particularly our Conservative ones — have gone to great lengths to show off how down to earth and aw-shucks regular they are by drinking Tim Hortons coffee.

The iconic cup of highly mediocre coffee is seen as the pinnacle of everyday Canadian-ness.  An essential ingredient to any political campaign is to roll up your sleeves and hand out some roll up the rims.

It's the coffee shop that says "look at me, I'm a regular John or Jan Schmo."  And in many ways it's true.  There's nothing that says workin' man quite like a suburban gentleman in his best woodsman camo, rolling up to the drive-thru in his King Ranch special edition F-150 before shuffling his kid off to the rink.

The mythical worker many of us imagine probably isn't someone in a brown uniform, slinging donuts and Iced Capps.  But that's who the Canadian worker is, by and large.  We're not a nation of makers, or even of miners, we're a nation of movers, shuffling product from one end of the ledger to the other.

The number of people working in the food service industry increased by about 41,000 from 2013 to 2017, according to Statistics Canada.  At the same time, the number of manufacturing workers grew by about 1,500 jobs.

There were about 4.02 million people working in just retail or food service jobs last year, while in the entire production sector — manufacturing, mining, farming, construction, etc. — there were 3.88 million people.  To put it another way, there are about 140,000 more people working in just our stores, warehouses, and restaurants than there are building things.

That doesn't include the other 10 or so million people who work elsewhere in the service sector: nurses, bus drivers, office clerks, tour guides, and so on.

Which brings us back to Tim Hortons.

When the jump in the minimum wage took effect in Ontario — to $14/hour this year, $15/hour next year — it quickly came to light that a number of franchisees were looking to get creative in their efforts to claw back some of the extra money they were now forced to hand to their employees.

There's the Horton-Joyce family — the married progeny of Hortons founder Tim Horton and his business partner Ron Joyce — who decided they would be putting an end to paid breaks and other benefits.  And who could forget the franchise banning the collection of tips, having decided the government-mandated raise was plenty for them.  Any money collected?  That had to go in the till.  Ownership deserved those pennies.

And what, exactly, is noble about owners of business, no matter how small, screwing their employees out of paid break time and their meagre tips?  What about that is even worth celebrating?

For example, here's Ottawa MPP Lisa MacLeod getting in a twitter spat with BC academic David Moscrop about the chain.  Without going into the details of the back and forth, Moscrop at one point points out the company that owns Tim Hortons is the Brazilian investment firm 3G Capital.

To which, MacLeod replied: "It was actually started in Canada, then franchised to…wait for it…Canadians.  And as a hockey Mom, who spends weekends in things like, you know, rinks, we all line up for it."

You see, it's a Canadian brand built for Canadians.  Never you mind that it's run by a Brazilian conglomerate that swallowed up its American ownership.  What MacLeod has done, more or less by accident, is revealed how empty the ritualization of Tim Hortons really is.  You see, it doesn't matter what Tim Hortons really is, it's all about what it represents.

In MacLeod's vision of Tim Hortons, it doesn't matter if its stores are run by a greedy pack of weasels, suckling the excess flesh off their employees.  It doesn't matter if the coffee isn't good.  And it doesn't matter if a far-off bunch of investors owns the branding.

All that matters is it's a Canadian icon, and you should bow down.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.