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In the wake of news of protests breaking out across Iran, a bevy of Canadian politicians were quick to take to Twitter to broadcast their support, and in the very next breath, demand that the prime minister issue a bold statement of support for the protesters and denunciation of the current regime.  After all, loud proclamations about Iran have been a staple of political fodder of this country for at least the past decade, so why not try to keep it up and make bellicose statements about the odiousness of its theocratic government, or to look like you're on the right side of history when it comes to egging on the protest movement.

Trudeau, however, did not, and while the department of foreign affairs initially issued a cautious statement about monitoring the situation, Chrystia Freeland issued her own cautious statement once news of the crackdowns started to reach the media.

Canada is deeply troubled by the recent deaths and detentions of protesters in Iran. The Iranian people have the right to freely assemble and express themselves without facing violence or imprisonment. As we said last week, Canada is encouraged to see the Iranian people who are bravely exercising their basic right to protest peacefully. We call on the Iranian authorities to uphold and respect democratic and human rights, which are too often ignored. We remain concerned for the well-being of protesters and will continue to closely monitor the protests.

The language is careful and diplomatic, and decidedly not bellicose toward the regime.  And that's probably a smart thing, because doing so as US President Donald Trump has been is likely to do more harm than good.

University of Waterloo professor Bessma Momani told CTV's Power Play that the Canadian government's caution is the smart thing to do, despite our instincts to want them to say more.

"If Western governments come out too much in favour of blatant regime change calls, then it feeds into the hands of the regime, who will say these are Western elements, these are western inspired stooges of, you name it, CIA or other intelligence sources, and then the crackdown will be far, far worse," Momani said.

There is a need to be cautious and careful, because the unintended consequence of being more vocal, as Trudeau's critics are demanding, could be further repression for the very Iranians that they claim to be supporting.

Another problem with the current brigade of Twitter warriors declaring their support is that it's often not really about Iran, but rather about their own agendas.  One example is how anti-feminists in the North American political sphere use the fact that some of the women protesters have been seen removing their hijabs to call out western feminists for not manning the barricades with them, as though the protests were solely about that.  Much the same as many on the political right in Canada and the US insist that these protests are about regime change and freedom, when the news from the ground what news we can get, with very little media that has access portrays a different tale.

What we can determine is that these protests are different than those in the Green Revolution in 2009 because they don't follow a rigged election, and they are coming more from the working class across the country than they are the middle class in Tehran.  Much of it seems to be focused on corruption by the clerics and other associated economic grievances, including funding wars in neighbouring countries while the country's economic growth isn't trickling down to those workers (due to the aforementioned corruption and graft).  One thing that surprised and baffled some American observers was a call for a restoration of the monarchy (never mind the fact that constitutional monarchies are far more stable and progressive governments than the kinds of republics that Americans favour and tend to institute in countries whose regimes they have toppled).

And this is partly why there is a lot of caution in the Canadian response because we don't really know what is happening on the ground as we have no embassy or diplomatic presence in the country after the previous Conservative government cut off relations in 2012.  If we have no reliable, verifiable information, it's hard to gauge what is an appropriate response to the situation that won't make things worse, and it's no doubt one of the reasons why the current government is trying to re-establish that diplomatic presence so that they can get a better sense of what is going on.

But the actual work of statecraft and diplomacy isn't a convenient narrative for some of those same voices that we're hearing from right now.  After a decade of foreign policy by bullhorn and virtue signalling for a domestic audience, it's no doubt difficult for them to get their heads around the fact that diplomacy is not some kind of reward when dealing with countries like Iran.

"The institution of diplomacy is to manage relations with countries you have difficult relations and disagree with, it's not a bonus prize," Carleton University professor Stephanie Carvin admonished to Conservative partisans over Twitter in their attempts to Twitter-shame Trudeau for not repeating their calls to denounce the Iranian regime.  Shuttering the embassy was throwing away our diplomatic tools for the sake of short-term posturing, again, for the benefit of a domestic audience.

Iran is a difficult file to manage, and a decade of using that bullhorn seems to have dulled the instincts for the fact that there is a lot of nuance in diplomacy.  It's not just about making bold statements over Twitter at regimes you don't like, or shaking your fist at the sky when your audience is watching.  I will say that this government has seemed to have grasped that sometimes you need to keep quiet and do the work behind the scenes, such as how they handled the relocation of several GLBT people from Chechnya who were in danger of imprisonment or death rather than talking loudly about their plans, which would have hampered the efforts of getting those nationals out of the country and to safety, they did the work quietly and effectively.  Sometimes being the loudest voice isn't always the most effective, and simply demanding posturing by the government isn't a realistic engagement strategy.

Photo Credit: Business Insider

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


2018 is an election year in Canada.  Not federally, mind you, although a by-election will be called in the Quebec riding of Chicoutimi Le Fjord by June 2nd.  By-elections usually don't mean much, but this one will still be a test for the four main Federal parties.  The Liberals will want to retain the seat they stole from the New Democrats.  The NDP will want to regain it, having lost by only 600 votes.  The Conservatives have an opportunity to create an upset.  And the Bloc Quebecois will want to make a comeback in a region that was its cradle.

But that's the minor event.

The real deal is three provincial elections: Ontario voters will vote on June 7; New Brunswick citizens will make their choice on September 24; and Quebecers have a decision to make on October 1st.

Three Liberal governments are in play.  They are all seen as allies to Justin Trudeau, but the impact on the Federal Liberals' electoral prospects could actually be bolstered if unpopular provincial liberals are defeated.

And defeat is certainly in the cards for the Liberals in Quebec and Ontario.  In New Brunswick, Premier Brian Gallant has been in the lead in every single poll since the 2014 election, with all but a handful of polls actually showing an increase of support for the red team.

So Premier Gallant should coast to re-election easily.  Or so goes the theory.  Still, there are some clouds on the horizon.  Angus Reid found Gallant's approval rating at just 24 per cent.  That is quite low.  Gallant is therefore the second-least popular premier in the country, after Ontario's Kathleen Wynne at 20%.  Can that be exploited by either PC Leader Blaine Higgs or NDP Leader Jennifer McKenzie?  Will New Brunswickers really elect a 5th different premier in as many elections?  At this point, it looks doubtful.

But Ontario and Quebec seem ripe for a change of government.  Ontario polls indicate Wynne is on track to lose.  This would end 14 years of Liberal rule.  The people are in the mood for change, which perhaps explains why Kathleen Wynne has been pitching her government as the real vehicle for change.  Voters fed up with the Ontario Liberals' carelessness with the public purse, questionable ethics and sloppy governance are unlikely to give them another try though.  Which is why, despite (or because of) a low-key approach, Conservative Leader Patrick Brown is in the driver's seat for the final stretch.  So you can count on the Ontario Liberals turning on the fear engine for the next six months in order to stop Brown.

In the end, the key to the Ontario election is the NDP.  There are three possible scenarios.  First, the Liberals' fear campaign works and NDP voters flock to re-elect Kathleen Wynne to stop Patrick Brown.  Second, the Liberals' fear campaign backfires and tired Liberal voters flock to the NDP to stop Patrick Brown.  Third, the fear campaign doesn't work, the NDP holds or grows its vote share and Patrick Brown becomes premier.  Andrea Horwath has been more popular than her party for years.  The time has come to convert her personal numbers into real votes.

In Quebec, Philippe Couillard has been maintaining the Quebec Liberals in contention.  Except for an interlude of 581 days under Pauline Marois' PQ, la Belle Province has been governed by the Liberals since 2003.  There are many end-of-regime signs: the public inquiry into political financing and the work of the anti-corruption unit which led to the arrest of many famous Liberals, among other things.

The Quebec Liberals are, like their Ontario Liberal cousins, very good at Fear Factor.  The problem is that their usual fear campaign target is mired in third place and going nowhere fast.  On top of that, Jean-François Lisée played the "No Referendum" trump card early on, which partly lead to the rise of Quebec Solidaire at the expense of Lisée's PQ.

On the other side of the spectrum, the Coalition Avenir Québec has steadily been rising in the polls.  François Legault is being seen as the main alternative to the Liberals.  But the CAQ and its ADQ predecessor have been there before.  Quebec voters have parked their vote with the right-wing party between elections, only to collapse when it really mattered.  One key problem is a weak organisation and light fundraising capacity.  Another one is Legault's own personality.  While not being filled with charisma, he is presumptuous at time, speaking as if he was already Premier and openly talking about forming his cabinet.

Couillard has now turned his guns on Legault.  Wynne's fear machine is entering into high gear.  Gallant will try to coast and avoid mistakes.  Chances are, they won't all be standing by October.

Photo Credit: Montreal Gazette

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.