LP_468x60
ontario news watch
on-the-record-468x60-white
and-another-thing-468x60

The new United Conservative Party leader is laser-focused on defeating the Alberta NDP and it would be unwise to bet against him

Albertans won't head back to the polls until May 2019.  Nevertheless, the narrative for the province's 30th general election has just become clearer.

Jason Kenney, the last Progressive Conservative Association of Alberta leader, was elected as the leader of the new United Conservative Party last weekend.  He received 35,623 votes, or 61.2 per cent of eligible voters.  Brian Jean, the last Wildrose Party leader, earned 18,336 votes (31.5 per cent), followed by Calgary lawyer Doug Schweitzer at 4,273 votes (7.3 per cent).

It's been an incredible run for Kenney, one of the more successful Canadian politicians over the past two decades.

A one-time executive assistant to then-Saskatchewan Liberal Party leader Ralph Goodale, he quickly shifted to political conservatism in his university days.  He served as the Alberta Taxpayers Association's executive director, and later president and chief executive officer of the Canadian Taxpayers Federation.

Kenney won his first election as a Reform Party of Canada candidate in the riding of Calgary Southeast (now Calgary Midnapore) in 1997.  He was re-elected five times under the Canadian Alliance and Conservative Party of Canada banners, and never came close to losing.

He would hold several prominent cabinet roles for then-prime minister Stephen Harper.  The list includes: secretary of state for Multiculturalism and Canadian Identity (2007-2008), minister of Citizenship, Immigration and Multiculturalism (2008-2013), minister of Employment and Social Development (2013-2015), and minister of Defence (2015).

Kenney was one of the few Harper cabinet ministers trusted enough to handle his own affairs.  He was intelligent, articulate, witty and consistently stayed on message.  He defended fiscal and social conservative principles to their very cores, and built wide-reaching ethnic outreach programs like no other.  On the rare occasions when he got into slight difficulty, which happens to the best of us, he pushed back, made his points and moved forward.

Some people are tailor-made for political success.  Kenney is one of them.

When he made the jump to provincial politics, he continued to achieve his goals.  He won the Progressive Conservative leadership with an astonishing 75.4 per cent of the vote (in spite of concerns about a delegated vote).  He also built a working relationship with Jean, a former federal colleague, and they succeeded in uniting the right in Alberta.

Now that the UCP leadership is under his belt, he'll run in a byelection in Calgary-Lougheed after MLA Dave Rodney stepped aside.

Kenney is laser-focused on defeating the Alberta NDP and it would be unwise to bet against him.

While New Democratic Premier Rachel Notley won the 2015 provincial election fair and square, few would argue it was anything other than a massive protest vote against four decades of PC rule.  Alberta's politics and demographics have changed in recent years but the province had no history or infatuation with left-wing politics and still doesn't.

It was almost a carbon copy of Bob Rae and the Ontario NDP's 1990 victory.  You vote out of anger against the politics-as-usual crowd one night, then wake up the next morning and realize, "What in God's name did I just do?"

Albertans, for their part, elected an NDP government that eliminated the single rate tax, passed a carbon tax, promoted publicly-funded child care and increased the minimum wage.  There seem to be many drunken sailors spending taxpayer dollars in the provincial legislature.

Would Kenney do anything like this?  Absolutely not.  This political tour de force has long been a champion of limited government, lower taxes, and greater individual rights and freedoms.  He would, therefore, reverse course and make Alberta a fiscally prudent province that respects taxpayers once more.

There's still two years to go in Notley's mandate and an election to fight.  Nothing is ever guaranteed in politics.

But to call Kenney a potential premier-in-waiting doesn't seem too far off the mark.

Troy Media columnist and political commentator Michael Taube was a speechwriter for former prime minister Stephen Harper.

© 2017 Distributed by Troy Media

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Last week the narrative seemed to be that Premier Kathleen Wynne's approval ratings and re-election chances had suddenly been resurrected from rock bottom because the Sudbury bribery trial was thrown out by the judge presiding over the case.

According to some journalists "a huge weight" has been lifted off Wynne's shoulders in her re-election bid because of the judge's decision.  Of course, the charges against Wynne's former deputy chief of staff (and now election campaign manager) Patricia Sorbara being thrown out by the judge was definitely some much needed good news for the Premier, but don't buy into the hype that this was what has been the main reason for her unprecedented unpopularity.

As some astute political observers have known all along, the Sudbury bribery allegations were only brought to court because of the release of surreptitiously recorded audio of Sorbara and a local Sudbury Liberal kingmaker offering a former Liberal candidate potential favours to step aside.  It was clear from the get go that there was no explicit job or monetary offer made to the former candidate — thereby no bribe — and that the case against the two Liberal aides would go nowhere.  For that reason it is a bit odd that the Progressive Conservative Party of Ontario wasted money on attack ads tying Wynne to this already fizzled out scandal, especially when a former lawyer like PCPO leader Patrick Brown surely knew the charges wouldn't stick.  But political attack dogs don't care about details, the optics were more than juicy enough to bite.

But that's neither here nor there when looking at Wynne's atrocious approval ratings over the past year.

Wynne's government is mainly dogged because she is disliked as Premier by a majority of the electorate for her record as the leader of Ontario.  And it's not hard to see why.

First and foremost, the Liberal government's disastrous botching of Ontario hydro has finally dealt a heavy price to Wynne because Ontarians' electricity bills steadily climbed over the past few years.  Wynne's band-aid solution, known as the eerily euphemistic Fair Hydro Plan has not done much to quell voters' dissatisfaction with being hosed on their electricity bills.  Even though Ontarians supposedly get an average of 25 per cent off their bills in the short term, in the long term they will again skyrocket and the whole plan will cost Ontarians tens of billions of dollars in additional interest.  The Liberals also spent $2 million on outside accountants to cook up a scheme to keep the additional debt off the next couple budgets so they can dishonestly claim they've balanced the budget.  Then there's the whole part where Ontarians are now bombarded by $5.5 million in Fair Hydro Plan ads — not including all of the other government ads also ubiquitous on airwaves and online — that don't mention the true cost or the added debt, instead painting a rosy future.  Then add the selling off of most of Hydro One and the continued locked-in, wasteful green energy contracts and it's no surprise Wynne has plumbed new depths of unpopularity.

It's as the popular expression goes: it's the economy, stupid.  As much as the media, Bay Street, and Liberals everywhere continue to claim the economy is booming, on Main Street the average Canadian has not noticed the new warmth of the so-called hot economy.  Perhaps that is especially true of Ontario, where the Liberals in the last fourteen years have saddled the province with virtually unmanageable debt and sold out the province's interests in signing lucrative green energy contracts to their friends.  To further scare away business, Wynne introduced a cap-and-trade carbon tax scheme, adding to the unattractiveness of a jurisdiction with already off-the-dial electricity costs.

So, when Wynne suddenly starts clinging to well-liked politicians like Senator Bernie Sanders — someone she was trashing just last year â€” in her desperate bid for reelection, no-one should be duped into thinking she herself is popular again.  When Wynne overreacts to Brown misspeaking about her standing trial by suing him, everyone should see it for what it is: an incredibly unpopular Premier's last-ditch and pathetic effort to try and regain the moral high ground.  When Wynne starts throwing around unaffordable goodies like a $15 minimum wage and a guaranteed income it should be seen as nothing more than the equivalent of a rich kid with Daddy's credit card trying to buy friends.  To try and frame the end of the Sudbury bribery trial as some sort of exoneration of Wynne and the beginning of her comeback is to completely lose the plot.

Written by Graeme C. Gordon

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.