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Try searching "Steve Bannon" on CBC's website.  (I assume Bannon needs no introduction for anyone not living under a rock the past year.)  Now, try searching "Gerald Butts"— Prime Minister Justin Trudeau's best friend and principal secretary for the fair amount of casual readers who've never heard of him.  Basically, these men, until Bannon was the latest casualty in Trump's real-life Apprentice, held the same role as top adviser to each of his respective national leader.  However, when you look at the CBC search results of these two names there is a bizarre discrepancy.  There are a pathetic 63 results for "Gerald Butts" and a whopping 763 results for "Steve Bannon".

Here is where the reader might start thinking, "But Graeme, Steve Bannon is a racist and alt-right bastard who held the POTUS's ear.  Of course CBC would cover him way more than Prime Minister Justin Trudeau's safe, uncontroversial adviser."

Well, to that lazy Liberal line of thinking I have several rebuttals.

First, many of the slanderous aspersions cast on Mr. Bannon are just that, slanderous aspersions.  It's comical how the CBC is all too eager to push the narrative of a mass uprising of a largely non-existent white supremacists and KKKmeanwhile hiding the fascistic tendencies of Antifainstead glorifying the lawless anarchists.

Second, Bannon only joined Trump's campaign midway through 2016, Butts has been highly influential in Canadian politics since the early 2000s when he helped former Ontario Premier Dalton McGuinty rise to power and then proceeded to be the premier's top aide and "policy guru" responsible for implementing the economically destructive green energy policies which Ontarians are only now fully comprehending to their increasing chagrin.  So Butts has been pulling the strings in Canadian politics for two decades, yet the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation has only 63 stories on this powerful Canadian figure, many of which only mention his name in passing, yet an adviser in American politics gets hundreds of CBC stories devoted to him.  Furthermore, two of those few critical stories out of the batch mentioning Butts were only published courtesy of moi, a freelance contributor.

Third, Butts, although the media would have you think otherwise with their neglectful/blatant omissions, is controversial.  From his anti-oil sands rhetoric to his destructive provincial energy policies to his grafting of taxpayers for $127,000 in moving expenses, Butts has been able to weasel out of any real accountability and close scrutiny.  The egregious bilking of taxpayers did get some coverage, but after Butts and Katie Telford apologized and offered to pay back some of the money they now suddenly felt a conflicted conscience over taking, the matter was promptly dropped by the press.  No follow-up scrutiny like the feeding frenzy over Mike Duffy's housing allowance.  And then there was the report from The Rebel on how Butts kept collecting hundreds of thousands from the World Wildlife Fund for two fiscal years after leaving the environmental charity to work for Trudeau.  Of course this intriguing story was not picked up by the mainstream media.  And now there is the story about Butts's friend getting paid double that of other diplomats that CBC et al. largely only do stories excusing this gross case of nepotism.  Another reason Butts is controversial and deserves closer scrutiny from the media is his close friendship with the PM and how many observers have suggested he's the brains behind many of the PM's decisions.  Yet the media let him pull the strings from the shadows and his tweets.

Fourth, for how much the Canadian media, and CBC in particular, finds Bannon repulsive, it was curious their lack of reaction to the revelation from The New Yorker that the two had become good friends, and that Bannon saw them as two peas in a pod, albeit on opposite sides.  The Toronto Star and some other publications published some stories on it, but all Butts was given was a slight rap on the wrists, and what was most bizarre was CBC's practical silence.  (It's also interesting how Butts, who's actively on Twitter daily grooming journalists, can never be found once he's wanted for comment.)  The Current had a 19-minute segment discussing Bannon two days after The New Yorker story dropped, yet not a peep from the host to mention Butts's close connection to the notorious man.  There was not one story I could find on the matter on CBC's site.

So how does Butts, and the Liberals at large, dodge the wrath of the press?  One likely reason is the many close relationships Butts (and other Liberals) has fostered with journalists, as well as grooming journalists for higher paying jobs within the government.  Another obvious reason is the Liberals, although many policies are totally ineffectual, fight for the same socialist causes that resonate with the majority of journalists holding liberal arts degrees that promote the same regressive economic theories in government interventionism.  The result is blatant or willful negligence in covering the real controversies happening domestically, instead regurgitating the same talking points as their liberal press cousins in America in condemning what they see as the evil white men in power down there. It's time a little more attention was placed on our own affairs.

Written by Graeme C. Gordon

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


It's not actually that novel that NDP leadership hopeful Jagmeet Singh has said that he wouldn't run for a seat in the House of Commons right away if he won the party's contest.  The current leader of the Bloc Québécois doesn't have a seat either, and has no plans to resign her provincial seat before the next election.  During the Conservative leadership contest, Kevin O'Leary had no plans to run for a seat anytime soon either (for as serious as his leadership bid actually was).  But these kinds of pronouncements are becoming increasingly commonplace, and we should ask ourselves about what kind of message this is sending about how we value our Parliament.

There used to be a time when you had to be a Parliamentarian to win the leadership.  Up until 1919, to be a party leader meant being an MP or Senator, and yes, we did have two Senators who served as Prime Minister in the years following Sir John A. Macdonald's death.  But regardless of their not being MPs at the time, they still had seats in Parliament and were part of the parliamentary caucus.  But it was in 1919 that things started to change in Canada, when the Liberal Party decided to open up the contest to outsiders, and to let the party membership hold a delegated convention to choose that leader William Lyon Mackenzie King, who had lost his seat in the previous two elections and didn't have one when selected.

The practice that followed for the next few decades was that when a party leader was chosen that didn't have a seat was that someone in a "safe seat" would resign and then the new leader would run in a by-election.  Usually that works, but not always just ask John Tory about when he lost a by-election in 2009 after having lost his bid to displace Kathleen Wynne in Don Valley West in the 2008 Ontario election.  But while the safe seat gambit became the compromise to get the leader into Parliament as soon as possible, this was again broken in 1984 when John Turner became prime minister without holding a seat, and didn't plan to immediately run in a by-election.  Instead, nine days after he was sworn in (after Pierre Elliot Trudeau stepped down earlier than planned, which was in exchange for Turner agreeing to a list of patronage appointments that Trudeau had planned to make), Turner called a general election and was soundly defeated, though he did manage to win his seat and stayed on as leader of the opposition for another election.

Why this history matters is because of the ways in which it has contributed to ways in which we have slowly been divorcing party leadership from Parliament in Canada.  The tradition of caucus choosing the leader has remained in the UK until just recently, where their attempts to turn that selection power over to the party membership has wound up with problematic leaders like Jeremy Corbyn with Labour, who has managed to alienate his caucus on a continual basis, but they can't oust him because of Corbyn's dedicated activist base a major problem when the basis of our shared Westminster system is that leaders must have confidence, and he is a leader who has not managed it.  Australia still largely has the caucus selection system, but they too have been trying to move to a more Canadian system after successive back-and-forth spills of their prime ministers over the past decade, and some people desired a process that would garner more stability, forgetting that the rule of unintended consequences for this has long played out in Canada.

By attempting to "democratize" the leadership selection process in this country, we inadvertently created party leaders who no longer felt bound to respect the wishes of their caucus.  Mackenzie King is reputed to have told his caucus during a revolt over a scandal that they had not selected him, and therefore they could not remove him like they normally would.  It broke the accountability that leaders feel toward their caucuses and with the later addition of new rules that mandated party leaders sign off on nomination forms (for perfectly benign reasons at the time), it gave those leaders another tool to keep their members in line.

Leadership contests have become increasingly like presidential primaries in this country, and we're now to the point where we are demanding that leaders produce policy rather than let the party grassroots develop it for themselves.  By selecting leaders who are not in caucus and who don't feel the need to get a seat as soon as possible, we are slowly but surely formalizing this quasi-presidentialization of our political system.  At the same time, it diminishes the roles of MPs to becoming the Greek chorus of that leader's pronouncements, under penalty that they won't have their nomination forms signed again, and it undermines the role of the party grassroots when it comes to determining policy.

When a leadership candidate says that their time is better spent crossing the country to "engage with Canadians" rather than actually doing the job of being a parliamentarian and holding the government to account, it continues the marginalization of our parliament.  And we've even seen this happen when new leaders already have a seat witness when Justin Trudeau was selected as Liberal Party leader, he only showed up in Question Period on days that Stephen Harper did (read: one day a week, maybe two if you were lucky) and spent the rest of the time doing that party outreach.  You could argue that it helped to win him the election by energizing his base, but it also gave Canadians little sense of how he would comport himself in the House of Commons in a leadership position not that performance in the Commons helped Thomas Mulcair, mind you.  Nevertheless, if the signal that a leader sends by not even bothering to get a seat or to show up when they do is that parliament doesn't matter, then we might as well start replacing our MPs with drones that can read their canned speeches into the record and vote as ordered to.

But if we do value parliament, then maybe we need to send a signal to the leaders that it matters that they have a seat, that they show up, that they do their jobs because democracy matters, and that Canada doesn't have a presidential system.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


Where better to start writing for Loonie Politics than in Babylon?

No, I'm not drawing an overwrought comparison from Revelation.  I'm talking about the Western quality of openness and curiosity including about other cultures and civilizations.  Our own leadership sometimes seems to feel that almost nothing good about Canada derives from our particular heritage.  But I do not think they understand that heritage very well, including the weird way in which we are better connected to ancient Babylon than the people who now live there.

I recently acquired a copy of a history of the ancient Near East, H.W.E. Saggs' Civilization Before Greece and Rome.  And it's full of stuff about Sargon of Akade and the rise and fall of Erech, a fascinating if sometimes baffling tale of the development of agriculture, writing, imperialism and so on.  But what struck me most forcibly is that this story of other cultures is only known to us, and them, because we cared.

These ancient civilizations, from Egypt to the Indus Valley, loom massively if puzzlingly over us.  I still don't know what the Sphinx wants or why, and ziggurats often conjure up Shelley's line about "look on my works, ye mighty, and despair" which were themselves inspired by a statue of Rameses II.  But they are very present despite their remoteness.

We think and wonder about them, and what relevance the rise and fall of other civilizations might have to our own.  Because we know about them.  But why?  Why do we know about Egyptian pharaohs and the code of Hammurabi and all that stuff?

Well duh.  They left all these monuments, inscriptions and evidence including enormous pyramids.  The Great Pyramid at Giza was the tallest building in the world for almost 4500 years and is still the 2nd-tallest stone building.  Kind of hard to miss, right?  I mean people have been living right in its shadow ever since.

Guess again.  It's true that the pyramids are big and solid and hard to overlook.  But it doesn't guarantee that anybody will be curious about it including those who now claim in some sense or another to be the proud inheritors of whatever its traditions were.  And in fact for thousands of years they were not.

There is the big surprise from Saggs' book.  It begins with an account of the "discovery" of the ancient world.  Or rediscovery.  Because believe it or not, almost all of it was forgotten until the 19th century.  Nothing was known and nobody seemed to care.  Especially not the people who lived there.

As Saggs explains, the first to be curious about these vanished civilizations were an odd collection of Victorian-era European eccentrics who became fascinated by the "romance of the East" that so offends postmodern scholars who scorn "orientalism".  And perhaps it was patronizing that Napoleon invaded Egypt with 175 scholars and intellectuals in tow, from chemists to poets.  And not just the invasion bit.  Like most Napoleonic ventures, it ended in spectacular disaster, in this case Nelson's destruction of the French fleet in Aboukir Bay.  But in the 15 months that he was there, his retinue of learned men began to study the Egyptian past in a way that nobody had since roughly when Cleopatra died.

Likewise a young Englishman named Henry Austen Layard, who was meant to be heading to Ceylon to practice law, instead stopped in Mesopotamia in the 1840s and started mucking about in a huge mound called "Nimrud" at a time when, as Saggs quotes Layard, a case in the British Museum "scarcely three feet square enclosed all that remained, not only of the great city, Nineveh, but of Babylon itself!"

Layard quickly unearthed all sorts of treasures, from spectacular relief carvings to statues to then-unreadable inscriptions.  These, along with the work of a French amateur named Paul Emile Botta, caused a sensation in Europe and Layard's 1849 account of his finds was an instant best-seller.

In Europe, mind you.  Not in Mesopotamia or the rest of what Saggs rightly calls "the ramshackle Turkish empire."  They'd been sitting on this stuff for centuries and about as interested as anyone got was when the locals stripped stone from some pyramids to use for building material.  And the same is true further East, where it was European railway engineers and then archeologists who discovered the once-spectacular urban "Harappan" civilization (c. 3300-1300 BC, with its high period from 2600-1900) whose ruins the locals were vaguely aware of but uninterested.

It is fashionable now to deplore the "cultural imperialism" of the West.  And Third World nationalists routinely demand the return of treasures that, but for these now-despised explorers, adventurers and linguists, would still be buried in the sand.  It was Europeans who dug them up and then, from Germany to Denmark to London, devoted their lives to deciphering the writing and reconstructing the history of these periods.  And they did it because for all their supposed chauvinism, they cared far more about what men and women in other times, places and cultures had done, said and thought than almost anyone else.

Westerners were far more interested in ancient Egypt than Egyptians were about their own past, let alone about Europe.  The West certainly had no monopoly on chauvinism.  In the Ottoman Empire, where the printing press was banned as soon as it was discovered, and not allowed until the 18th century under tight censorship, Western ideas were scornfully rejected without even cursory examination.  An old college text of mine matter-of-factly recounts the grand vizier of the Ottoman empire telling the French ambassador in 1666 "Do I not know that you are a Giaour [nonbeliever], that you are a hog, a dog, a turd eater?"  As the UN's Arab Development Report noted with dismay in 2002, Spain translates about as many foreign books in a year as the entire Arab world has in a thousand years.  (Not coincidentally, its GDP is also larger.)

Canada remains proudly part of this open society, open not just to men and women of talent including immigrants from any place and culture but also to ideas.  It can be frustrating sometimes that we seem to have such open minds that our brains fall out.  But over time we really do sort through ideas, compare them, and select the best.

We do not automatically embrace an idea because we thought of it first.  Nor, I would add, should we automatically reject it on that basis as again has become an annoying modern habit.  As Thomas Sowell once put it, "Cultures are not museum-pieces.  They are the working machinery of everyday life."  Which is why, paradoxically, our museums are full of other cultures' pasts and theirs are not.

We are the open society.  And it's worth remembering and celebrating, from Babylon to Parliament Hill.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.