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You may have seen the hashtag #BlameTheOpposition on Canadian Twitter during these past few months as the Conservative Party of Canada reacts to Liberal attempts to make the CPC's alleged extremism the issue rather than Trudeau and his boneheaded foul-ups.

The recognition of this tactic is a step forward for Canada's conservative movement in that they are recognizing that it exists.

During the years when Gerald Butts and his team were developing this strategy and testing it out on the hapless bunch of dunces that were and still are the PC Party of Ontario, it was never said aloud but rather accepted as a given that opposing whatever the Liberals were doing was….well, weird.  If the Opposition spoke out of turn, and at times when they didn't speak out, then they, not the government would be the subject of condemnation.  That is #BlameTheOpposition.

Perhaps the most egregious example of #BlameTheOpposition at the provincial level during the McGuinty years is when the Ontario Liberals prorogued the Legislature  around the same time Harper was doing the same thing at the federal, and taking plenty of heat for it and then blamed the Opposition for trying to push a contempt motion on the government which, you might recall, was exactly what the federal Liberals did to the federal Conservatives.  (For those of you keeping score, that's two times when Conservatives copied Liberal tactics, and got blamed twice because they were in opposition and the Liberals weren't.)

Because so much of Canadian politics is mealy-mouthed virtue signalling substituting for actual action, it gets rather difficult to tell whether the Liberals are aware of how well their tactics work, or if the voters just automatically give them a free pass because they are Liberals.

What is clear is that the Natural Governing Party does get a pass.  They enjoy a level of privilege in Canada that the Conservatives can only dream of, and #BlameTheOpposition is only one facet of this privilege.

Of late, there have been several other manifestations of this double standard and each time, the Liberals emerge on top.

Conservatives going on Fox News will damage NAFTA negotiations, but Justin Trudeau throwing shade at Trump in Rolling Stone won't.

During the Chretien-Martin years, it was politically inconvenient to ask the question of whether Omar Khadr was actually innocent of the charges against him.  Later, when Harper was in government, the question became more widely asked, and now that the Conservatives are back in Opposition the questioning of the official narrative on Khadr is suddenly the new official narrative.

The question is, "Why don't Andrew Scheer, Brian Jean, Jason Kenney, Patrick Brown, and other opposition conservative politicians denounce Rebel Media?" rather than "Why don't Kathleen Wynne, Rachel Notley and Justin Trudeau take a firm stance against Rebel Media?  They are, after all, in government and have the power to do something about the problem."  Or, more importantly, "Why doesn't Gerald Butts disavow his supposed friendship with Steve Bannon, or, failing that, why doesn't Trudeau call on Butts to do the disavowing?"

Now Conservatives have not gotten to the point where they ask the next obvious question, which is WHY the #BlameTheOpposition tactic works.  I have no answer either, but I've been working on it.

During the US election that saw Trump ascend to the presidency, there was an even-handedness with respect to both candidates' unfitness to lead that is absent from Canadian election coverage.  Hillary Clinton's emails, allegations of corruption, her ties to Wall Street, were brought up again and again.  Try as they might, however, the Conservatives cannot and have not been able to get Canadian media to focus on Trudeau's foppishness as a negative for more than a day at a time.

Is it just that Canadian journalists are still feeling the burn after years of being denied access by Harper?  Or is it something deeper and more cultural?

Are Americans, who have experienced domestic revolution and civil war, more tolerant of opposition and critical of government?  Is the reverse true for Canadians?

Could Canadians be, on a subconscious level, fearful of change and revolution, and as a result unwilling to allow the opposition its due?

I do not know.  These are speculations.  But one thing is clear the Liberals aren't interested in asking these questions.  The current situation serves them too well.

And in those rare moments where they take the current situation for granted such as the 2006 federal election, or the 2010 Toronto mayoral election things don't work out too well for them.  So there is, at least, some degree of active awareness of the #BlameTheOpposition double standard on their part.

I cannot predict with certainty whether the Liberals will keep doing the thing that has kept them firmly on top in Canada for most of its history.  There is, as we have seen, a chance that they will not.  But there is a better than average chance that they will.

Written by Josh Lieblein

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


It looks like a group of Conservatives is hoping to pull their party back to the centre.  Sprouting off the effort of Maclean's columnist Scott Gilmore's All-Canadian Red Tory Dinnertime Tour, the group is looking to form an outside pressure group to put a more moderate spin on the Tory brand.

It's a direct reaction to the recent leadership campaign and betrays the cleavages within the Conservative party that the selection of Andrew Scheer papered over.

Remember, this was a party which seemed poised, at various times, to hand over the reins to a whole cast of misfits.

There was Kevin O'Leary, the yappy businessman who wore his ignorance of politics like a cheap suit.  O'Leary saved the party from sure disaster by quitting the race before they could vote for him.  Then there was hyper-libertarian Maxime Bernier who was super happy to blow up most of the things Canadians like about their government, all in the name of a mystical Randian freedom not all that many were pining for.

And who can forget Kellie Leitch?  When she wasn't staring off into random corners of her office, she was pushing an ugly and xenophobic series of policies that many of her competitors decided might be popular enough to glom onto.

More than anyone else, it was Leitch that set Gilmore off into to the wilds of Canada for some friendly chats with like-minded conservatives. And out of that, according to a report in The Hill Times, the group of mostly unnamed individuals has come to take over Gilmore's dream and pressure the party in a more moderate direction.

The newspaper says it also includes some of the previous candidates in the race, but doesn't identify them.

Now, the joke many have passed around is these folks should just join the Liberal party, that they aren't true conservatives.  But they obviously don't see a home for themselves in the cheery red tent.

Which really highlights the paradox at the heart of the party.  Stephen Harper took the old Progressive Conservatives and the Alliance/Reform Party and welded them back together with his glare and a few kicked chairs.  Then he dragged them into government, managed to get them to stay civil long enough to win a majority.  Then he lost to the pretty boy son of his one true nemesis.

But all the while those internal tensions have still been there.

It seemed for a while like the party might wrestle with these things over the course of the leadership campaign.  But with such a large cast of candidates — more than a dozen — the actual debates turned into shambolic shout-feats.  People would show up in costumes and blab on about whatever talking point they were hot on that moment, then they'd be over.  It would repeat every few weeks, maybe with a new format, but always with the same result.

So, in the end, rather than hash anything out, they went with Scheer.

It's somewhat telling his campaign showed up with "Andrew Scheer is my second choice" buttons.  The combination of a huge field and a convoluted ranked-and-weighted ballot system meant there was going to be no clear winner out of the gate.

And in picking their second — or seventh, or twelfth — choice, the party went with the guy most like his predecessor.  It's an implicit bet on Harper's ethos that being in power is the important thing, making the small everyday changes involved in governing is the important thing.

But what happens if Scheer isn't a winner?  What if government isn't in the party's near-future?  Victory can be a great salve for nursed grudges, but if that's not there, the divisions within the party are only going to manifest themselves in larger fashion.

And this is where outside pressure groups start to come in.  The remnants of Bernier's campaign already formed their own libertarian pressure vessel, Conservative Futures.  Now there's this new centrist group jumping into the fray.  They could be a good thing for the party, dragging them away from their members most base instincts.  But it could also be a sign of the civil war to come.

The party has split apart once before, there's no reason to assume it never could again. 

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.