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Jagmeet Singh carries himself as a man thoroughly comfortable with his old world heritage, a devout Sikh who conceals his never-cut hair beneath a turban and carries a kirpan wherever he goes.  Doubtless many members of the NDP — the party he's now running to lead — will feel supremely enlightened when they cast a ballot for this striking symbol of Canadian multiculturalism: the first non-white, non-Christian to have a credible shot as a prime ministerial candidate.  Should he become head of the party (which seems likely, given the extraordinary charisma gap between him and his opponents) one imagines the world will soon be bombarded with headlines about how only in hyper-tolerant Canada could such an ostentatiously exotic politician be welcomed.

Singh's political fortunes have obviously yet to fully unfold, yet if he is embraced as widely as expected — not just as NDP leader, but a symbol of something unique and special about Canada — it will occur in spite of any genuine diversity a man of his background might be expected to bring to our politics.

On the surface, what would seem to make Singh most politically interesting is the tension between his socially conservative faith and the secular-progressive worldview of his party.

Sikhism is a strict and organized religion with more than a passing resemblance to Catholicism.  It purports the existence of a single judgmental God, acknowledges the authority of a church hierarchy — the highest-ranking figure being the head of India's Akal Takhat temple, which literally translates to "Throne of God" — and offers an explicit code of morality, through the archived teachings of its past gurus and the Sikh Rehit Maryada, an even more utilitarian guide to righteous living.

On the host of what we now refer to as "social issues," Sikhism offers answers little different from those of conservative Christians.  Human life is said to begin at conception, and God is said to have created two distinct genders who exist to marry and procreate.  Though the faith purports gender equality, men are tasked with unique leadership responsibilities women are not.  Drugs and adultery are considered extremely grievous sins.

No one honestly expects Jagmeet Singh to incorporate any of this into his political agenda as New Democrat leader.  To the extent he'll be allowed to hold conservative beliefs about gender, human life, sexuality, or marriage, they'll be expected to be deeply private opinions never articulated in public — not even if prefaced by "while I may personally believe…" Indeed, if most secular-progressives are honest with themselves, they'd probably say they don't really want Singh opposing gay marriage or abortion when he's sitting alone with God in a moment of quiet spiritual reflection, either.  What they want is for him to march in Toronto's pride parade and call abortion a woman's "right to choose" — which is what he's already done.

For that matter, no NDP member wants Mr. Singh to have a unique perspective on aboriginal or French-Canadian rights informed by his experience as a first-generation Canadian whose family has only been here a few decades.  The bigotry he experienced personally, and his family's lack of continuity with the Anglo-Canadian "settler" class, must not detract or moderate his engagement with the white establishment's view that the historic victimization of Canada's French and aboriginal populations outrank those of all other groups, and must therefore enjoy a permanently preeminent place in the national hierarchy of suffering.  Singh demonstrated fluency with such expectations in his inaugural campaign speech, where he spoke of learning to appreciate the "parallels" of his own community's struggles to that of the French-Canadians, and listed "reconciliation with indigenous peoples" as one of his four policy priorities.

What progressive voters really want and what Singh seems eager to offer, in sum, is a candidate who while visibly "diverse" offers no perspectives, opinions, or priorities that substantially differ from that of a standard white, urban, irreligious liberal Canadian.  This is diversity of the easiest kind — the sort that requires no real tolerance to embrace, since you're not being asked to tolerate anything new or challenging.

As I've said before, I believe Singh has the potential to be a formidable force in Canadian politics.  His ardent progressivism (wherever it originates), coupled with a desire among many liberal voters to support a nonwhite prime minister, have strong potential to fracture the left and erode Justin Trudeau's electoral base.  But all this ultimately reveals is the superficiality of political diversity in modern Canada: a rainbow of faces with identical minds.

Photo Credit: Toronto Sun

Written by J.J. McCullough

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


It's still kind of hard to believe that Donald Trump is actually the president of the United States.

But, there he is, traipsing around the Middle East, meeting with Saudis and Israelis and generally not screwing things up entirely.  He hasn't thrown up at a state dinner, or tried to exit a press conference through an ornate but very locked door.

Sure, his wife seems uncomfortable having physical contact with him, and his takeaway from the Israeli Holocaust museum seems better suited for a post on a summer camp's Facebook page than a memorial for millions people slaughtered by Nazis.  But, Trump managed to read a speech to Arab leaders without falling over, and his time spent caressing a glowing orb didn't open a portal into the hellscape mind of Hieronymus Bosch.

Which is impressive, in the sense an drunken oaf stumbling into midday traffic and emerging safe on the other side is impressive.  You respect the man's luck and timing, but wonder when he tries it next time whether it will turn out quite so well.

Trump's visit to Israel could have been a complete disaster, for example.  It had just come to light Trump had revealed intelligence gathered by the Israelis on ISIS to the Russian government.  But, even with that hanging in the air, it went…fine?

"Just so you understand, I never mentioned the word or the name Israel in conversation.  Never mentioned it," Trump told the gathered press at one point.  "They are all saying I did.  Never mentioned the word Israel."

Which wasn't really the problem with the intelligence sharing story.  But, while it was super awkward for everyone in the room, it didn't make things that much worse.  Which is progress!

This brings us to the end of this week, where Trump will meet the heads of NATO, an defence alliance he's dismissed as "obsolete" and then un-dismissed some time later as "no longer obsolete."  (What changed in the interim was never entirely clear, but most likely boils down to he became president and learned what NATO actually was.)

There are plenty of ways this could go badly for the president, then by extension literally everyone.

The biggest problem is that Trump has a notoriously short attention span, and seems to get irritated when he's bored.  A meeting with a bunch of European leaders and diplomats is the worst place for someone of his disposition to end up.  Especially several time zones out of his comfort zone after several days abroad.

Things could be particularly perilous for Canada.  One of Trump's main complaints about NATO is that countries aren't pulling their weight.  Right now, Canada spends about one per cent of its GDP on the military.  Back in 2006, member nations agreed to spend two per cent of their country's GDP on defence.  That was a commitment they reiterated in 2014, when countries that weren't meeting the threshold — that includes us — promised to make up the difference by 2024.

Whether Trump actually understands the nuances of this pledge — it's not out of the question he believes the U.S. is simply owed a pile of cash — the Canadian government makes for a ripe target.

Not only is Canada failing to meet the two per cent threshold, but we're failing in spectacular fashion.  For one, our shipbuilding plans are trending slowly towards debacle, as delays and vendor complaints start piling up.  (Is this a bad time to plug a story I wrote on how Canada acquired its first submarines?)

More importantly in this instance, though, is the utter disaster of the government's attempts to replace our aging fighters.  Things have been bad for quite some time on this front, but this week they reached a new disaster point.

After punting the decision on what to permanently replace the CF-18 fleet with, the government said it would buy a small contingent of Super Hornets from the American firm Boeing.  Then, last week, the government threatened to cancel that order if the U.S. supported a Boeing trade complaint against Montreal's Bombardier.

All the elements are here for, at the very least, a quality Twitter meltdown.  A Canadian government meeting only half of its promised defence commitment has just threatened to spurn an American aerospace company — one that's gone out of its way to be nice to Trump â€” over a trade issue.

It could all go fine, of course.  But things have been too quiet for a while now, we're due for a tantrum.  If we're lucky, Canada won't be in the room where it happens. 

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.