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The election of Donald Trump has preoccupied American commentators and journalists with deep and important questions about the intersections of culture, economics, politics, and indeed life itself.  You can open any American magazine, newspaper, or website at the moment and read fascinating essays about the economic malaise of the rust belt, the breakdown of white working class families, the appalling arrogance of celebrity condescension, the dangerous groupthink of Ivy League schools and more, authored by both liberal and conservative alike.  These are substantial pieces of writing, literary and well-researched, that reflect a desire to truly understand American society in all its vast complexities and challenges.

People don't write these kinds of things in this country.  In place of substantial sociology we have lazy polemicists like Stephen Marche, Jon Kay, and John Ibbitson who blithely assert ideologically pleasing generalizations about Canada with scant evidence.  This difference is a reflection of the widely different stories our elite tells about our respective nations.

The American commentator says "we are a flawed people defined by our flaws and our constant struggle to overcome them and live up to the unfulfilled ideals of our founding."

The Canadian commentator says, "we are a fundamentally wonderful people defined by our contrast with the awfulness of America.  We must celebrate our superiority and dismiss our failings as laughably minor."

The Canadian narrative is like cotton candy; it's sweet and fluffy and gives you a satisfying rush.  But it's unhealthy in the long term, since it's not made of substantial stuff and won't make you stronger.

The outcome of the Tory leadership race will decide whether this country will get an advocate for a Canadian counter-narrative.  Though only an infinitesimally small section of the public — perhaps less than half of one percent — will wind up electing the next Tory boss, the result will play an outsized role in either reenforcing or threatening the story our powerful tell themselves, and by extension, us.

If a man like Michael Chong wins, the dominant narrative will be reenforced.  Chong believes that in the last election the Tory party failed Canada by being too dark and divisive.  His candidacy is based on the premise that Canadians crave leaders who celebrate conventional progressive totems like immigration, environmentalism, and the CBC, and rally around calm, progressive politicians like himself.

If a man like Andrew Scheer wins — an apple who has not fallen far from the Stephen Harper tree — the narrative will be reinforced to some extent as well.  Prime Minister Harper was a radical man for his time, but his near-decade in government proved his flavour of conservatism, which, though principled, was vastly more cautious than it ever got credit for, could be compatible with the larger system.  The elite never came up with a good theory of what Harper represented, beyond the fact that it was possible to elect an alternative to the Liberal Party from time to time.  Because he so closely resembles Harper in tone, temperament, and agenda — indeed, as an understudy he is in some ways more Harperite than Harper himself, Scheer's leadership would be more a vindication of the past than an effort to define the future.

If Max Bernier, Kellie Leitch, or Kevin O'Leary wins, by contrast, the official narrative will be dealt a dramatic blow.  These three candidacies are based on the premise that Canada's ruling elite and institutions are flawed and failing in ways conventional wisdom never dares acknowledge.

Leitch says our immigration system is reckless, and failing to protect Canadian values.  Bernier says the Canadian state has grossly exceeded its mandate at the cost of personal freedom.  O'Leary says our government is run by incompetent fools who know nothing about economics.

If these world views prove popular it will come as a sharp rebuke to commentators who insist Canada is a fantastically well-run, contently left-of-centre place where political disputes occur only at the mildest margins of a settled consensus.

Though I am furiously opposed to O'Leary, significantly suspicious of Bernier, and still skeptical of Leitch, any conservative who feels their lived experience as a Canadian does not match the idyllic picture spouted by the elite media and establishment politicians should support one of them.

Only their victories will ring the alarm that Canada is a more unsettled country than many would prefer to believe.  Their leadership will force a critical dialogue that will hopefully come to resemble the useful fad of honest self-examination sweeping the United States.

Photo Credit: CBC News

Written by J.J. McCullough

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.


It was inevitable, I guess, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau's promises of a new era open and transparent government would be cast aside.

At a certain point, a government will find itself facing questions it doesn't want to answer, so it won't answer them.  It's easier, in the short run, to stonewall a reporter or two than to acknowledge you've goofed.  One of the interesting things to watch with Prime Minister Justin Trudeau's government is how often the opaque approach to politics has blown up on them.

Trudeau, his family and some close personal friends—like MP Seamus O'Reagan and Liberal Party president Anna Gainey—went to the Bahamas.  But not just anywhere in the Bahamas, to the Aga Kahn's private island, which they reached on his private helicopter.  We know all this now, but it's been a long slog to get here.  It's taken weeks to get from the spot where Prime Minister's Office refused to say where Trudeau had gone, to knowing exactly where he went and with whom.

It's part of a pattern that's emerged in how this government has dealt with difficult issues, and it goes something like this:

Step 1: Faced with an awkward question, the answer to which might reflect badly on the government, try "Nothing to see here, folks.  Move along."  It's an effective line of argument that always works.  Stick to it.

Step 2: For some reason, given no answers, reporters continue asking the same questions.  This is fine.  They'll stop.

Step 3: They have not stopped.  No need to ponder why.

Step 4: An anonymous official somewhere in the government has spilled the beans.  This is not a problem, if you continue saying nothing, this will go away.

Step 5: The problem has not gone away.  Wait some more.

Step 5-B: If it fits explain yourself with the words "the previous government did it, too."  This excuse works under even the most tenuous of circumstances, so feel free to use it liberally.  (EXTREMELY IMPORTANT: Be sure all "Real Change" decals have been removed from the podium.)

Step 6: Days or weeks later, the problems seem to have gone away, because all the facts are out.  No damage done!  It's time to acknowledge all the details everyone already knows.

Step 7: A new thing has come along, see Step 1.

You can see this process in action right now.  Just this week, the second-in-command of the Canadian Forces was temporarily removed from command.  Why was Vice-Admiral Mark Norman temporarily relieved of his duties?  I'm sure you'll be surprised to know there was no answer offered by Trudeau.  Nor did Chief of Defence Staff Gen. Jonathan Vance, Norman's commander and the man who relieved him, have an answer.

The former head of the Royal Canadian Navy was shown the door for reasons that everyone seemed to agree on, but no one would specify.  The Globe and Mail brings us to Step 4.  Norman was relieved for allegedly leaking information on the Navy's shipbuilding program, the paper reported.  What information?  And leaked to whom?  Good questions, all.  I'm sure we'll find out soon enough.

All this has exposed the soft underbelly to promises of "real change" during the campaign.  It's easy to be transparent and open, when you narrowly frame those things as "talking to Canadians" and "standing up for the middle class."  Trudeau's current cross-country tour fills that frame well.  Sure, it's "campaign-style," but it's a step up from the sort of closed campaigning the previous government was guilty of.  Trudeau's taking legitimately difficult questions from people in the audience.  On balance, it's a good thing.

But going out and meeting people and taking their questions isn't good enough.

Going to high-priced fundraisers with billionares, and saying you're just there to talk up the middle class, isn't good enough.

Approving the sale armoured vehicles to a state as oppressive as Saudi Arabia isn't good enough.  Justifying it by saying the previous government made the deal and you can't break it because that would look bad on Canada, isn't good enough.

Promising to do politics differently and without cynicism, means being open and transparent about everything in government.  If there are things that look bad when people know about them, that's not a sign people shouldn't know about them.  It's a sign you shouldn't be doing those things at all.

None of these things are real change, or politics done different, they're bullshit.

People won't easily give into cynicism when it comes to Trudeau, but once they do the optimism won't come back.  For now the prime minister is facing two interim opposition leaders who have limited ability to paint him as a cynical politician.  But some day that label could stick.  Once it does, there'll be no shaking it.

The views, opinions and positions expressed by columnists and contributors are the author’s alone. They do not inherently or expressly reflect the views, opinions and/or positions of our publication.